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<h1 data-aos="fade-down" id="covid-19-sentry">Covid-19 Sentry</h1>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" data-aos-anchor-placement="top-bottom" id="contents">Contents</h1>
<ul>
<li><a href="#from-preprints">From Preprints</a></li>
<li><a href="#from-clinical-trials">From Clinical Trials</a></li>
<li><a href="#from-pubmed">From PubMed</a></li>
<li><a href="#from-patent-search">From Patent Search</a></li>
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<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-preprints">From Preprints</h1>
<ul>
<li><strong>Responding to the call of the NHS Nightingale, but at what cost?: An auto-ethnography of a volunteer frontline mental health trainer’s experiences during the COVID-19 pandemic.</strong> -
<div>
The COVID-19 pandemic has called healthcare workers globally to respond. In the UK, the predicted high demand for extra critical care beds led to the rapid construction of the NHS Nightingale Hospital, London. I volunteered to develop and deliver psychological preparedness training - coined ‘Psychological PPE’ – to over 2300 frontline staff over an eight-week period. Current research has identified broad themes of the impact working on the COVID-19 frontline has on healthcare workers but is yet to capture in-depth accounts of individuals’ experiences. Using autoethnographic enquiry, this research explores my frontline experience at the NHS Nightingale, at the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic, and the personal impact this had on me. Themes identified include the interaction between recognition and sacrifice, emotional lability and fragility, and the impact of transitions. Findings inform personal recovery, as well as future research and policy development pertaining to the sustainable recovery of our NHS people.
</div>
<div class="article-link article-html-link">
🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://osf.io/7u3pe/" target="_blank">Responding to the call of the NHS Nightingale, but at what cost?: An auto-ethnography of a volunteer frontline mental health trainer’s experiences during the COVID-19 pandemic.</a>
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<li><strong>Modeling infections and deaths averted due to COVID-19 vaccination strategies in Ghana</strong> -
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This study assessed the impact of various COVID-19 vaccination strategies on health outcomes in Ghana using an age-stratified compartmental model. The population was stratified into three age groups: &lt;25 years, 25-64 years, and 65+ years. Five vaccination optimization scenarios were explored, assuming that one million persons could be vaccinated in three versus six months. We also performed uncertainty analysis by assuming that the available doses were halved and doubled. The vaccine optimization strategies were assessed for the initial strain, followed by a sensitivity analysis for the delta variant by varying the reproduction number and vaccine efficacy. The results showed that vaccinating individuals &lt;65 years was associated with the lowest cumulative infections when one million persons were vaccinated over three months for both the initial strain and the delta variant. On the contrary, prioritizing the elderly (65+) was associated with the lowest cumulative deaths for both strains.
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🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.07.09.22277458v1" target="_blank">Modeling infections and deaths averted due to COVID-19 vaccination strategies in Ghana</a>
</div></li>
<li><strong>Human Epidemiology and RespOnse to SARS-CoV-2 (HEROS): Objectives, Design and Enrollment Results of a 12-City Remote Observational Surveillance Study of Households with Children using Direct-to-Participant Methods</strong> -
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The Human Epidemiology and Response to SARS-CoV-2 (HEROS) is a prospective multi-city 6-month incidence study which was conducted from May 2020-February 2021. The objectives were to identify risk factors for SARS-CoV-2 infection and household transmission among children and people with asthma and allergic diseases, and to use the host nasal transcriptome sampled longitudinally to understand infection risk and sequelae at the molecular level. To overcome challenges of clinical study implementation due to the coronavirus pandemic, this surveillance study used direct-to-participant methods to remotely enroll and prospectively follow eligible children who are participants in other NIH-funded pediatric research studies and their household members. Households participated in weekly surveys and biweekly nasal sampling regardless of symptoms. The aim of this report is to widely share the methods and study instruments and to describe the rationale, design, execution, logistics and characteristics of a large, observational, household-based, remote cohort study of SARS-CoV-2 infection and transmission in households with children. The study enrolled a total of 5,598 individuals, including 1,913 principal participants (children), 1,913 primary caregivers, 729 secondary caregivers and 1,043 other household children. This study was successfully implemented without necessitating any in-person research visits and provides an approach for rapid execution of clinical research.
</p>
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<div class="article-link article-html-link">
🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.07.09.22277457v1" target="_blank">Human Epidemiology and RespOnse to SARS-CoV-2 (HEROS): Objectives, Design and Enrollment Results of a 12-City Remote Observational Surveillance Study of Households with Children using Direct-to-Participant Methods</a>
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<li><strong>Examining the Impact of Increasing Vaccine Coverage and Nonpharmaceutical Interventions against Coronavirus Disease 2019 In Ghana using Mathematical Modeling</strong> -
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Seroprevalence studies assessing community exposure to severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) in Ghana concluded that population-level immunity remained low as of February 2021. Thus, it is important to demonstrate how increasing vaccine coverage reduces the economic and public health impacts associated with transmission of the novel coronavirus. To that end, this study used a Susceptible-Exposed-Presymptomatic-Symptomatic-Asymptomatic-Recovered-Dead-Vaccinated compartmental model to simulate coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) transmission and the role of public health interventions in Ghana. The impact of increasing vaccination rate and decline in transmission rates due to nonpharmaceutical interventions (NPIs) on cumulative infections and deaths averted was explored under different scenarios. Latin hypercube sampling-partial rank correlation coefficient (LHS-PRCC) was used to investigate uncertainty and sensitivity of the outcomes to the parameters. Simulation results suggest that increasing the vaccination rate to achieve 50% coverage was associated with almost 30,000 deaths and 25 million infections averted. In comparison, a 50% decrease in the transmission coefficient was associated with about 50 million infections and 120,000 deaths averted. The LHS-PRCC results also found that cumulative infections and deaths averted were most sensitive to three model parameters: Transmission rate, vaccination rate, and waning immunity rate from infection. There is a need to increase vaccination coverage by ensuring an increased supply. Adherence to NPIs and increased vaccine uptake would successfully mitigate the impact of COVID-19 in Ghana.
</p>
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<div class="article-link article-html-link">
🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.07.09.22277456v1" target="_blank">Examining the Impact of Increasing Vaccine Coverage and Nonpharmaceutical Interventions against Coronavirus Disease 2019 In Ghana using Mathematical Modeling</a>
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<li><strong>The impact of COVID-19 on prescribing of pancreatic enzyme replacement therapy for people with unresectable pancreatic cancer in England. A cohort study using OpenSafely-TPP</strong> -
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Background: Cancer treatments were variably disrupted during the COVID-19 pandemic. Despite UK national guidelines recommending pancreatic enzyme replacement therapy to all people with unresectable pancreatic cancer, observational studies demonstrate under-prescribing. Aim: To investigate the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the prescribing of pancreatic enzyme replacement to people with unresectable pancreatic cancer. Methods: With the approval of NHS England, we conducted a cohort study using 24 million health records through the OpenSAFELY-TPP research platform. We modelled the effect of COVID-19 with multivariable linear regression. Results: We found no reduction in pancreatic enzyme replacement therapy during the COVID-19 pandemic. Overall, since 2015, the rates of prescribing increased steadily over time by 1% every year. The national rates ranged from 41% in 2015 to 48% in 2022. There was substantial regional variation. The highest rates of 50% to 60% were in the West Midlands and lowest (20% to 30%) in London. Conclusions: In contrast to many other treatments, prescribing of pancreatic enzyme replacement therapy was not affected during the COVID-19 pandemic. Although overall rates increased over time, substantial under-prescribing existed at the end of this study (March 2022). At just under 50% in 2022, the rates were still below the recommended 100% standard. Prior work evaluating quality of care in this area relied on manual audits which come at increased cost and reduced frequency of updates. With the methodological advantage of OpenSAFELY, we established an automated audit which allows for regular updates.
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🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.07.08.22277317v1" target="_blank">The impact of COVID-19 on prescribing of pancreatic enzyme replacement therapy for people with unresectable pancreatic cancer in England. A cohort study using OpenSafely-TPP</a>
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<li>**HLA-A*01:01 allele vanishing in COVID-19 patients population associated with non-structural epitope abundance in CD8+ T-cell repertoire** -
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In mid-2021, the SARS-CoV-2 Delta variant caused the third wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in several countries worldwide. The pivotal studies were aimed at studying changes in the efficiency of neutralizing antibodies to the spike protein. However, much less attention was paid to the T-cell response and the presentation of virus peptides by MHC-I molecules. In this study, we compared the features of the HLA-I genotype in symptomatic patients with COVID-19 in the first and third waves of the pandemic. As a result, we could identify the vanishing of carriers of the HLA-A<em>01:01 allele in the third wave and demonstrate the unique properties of this allele. Thus, HLA-A</em>01:01-binding immunodominant epitopes are mostly derived from ORF1ab. A set of epitopes from ORF1ab was tested, and their high immunogenicity was confirmed. Moreover, analysis of the results of single-cell phenotyping of T-cells in recovered patients showed that the predominant phenotype in HLA-A*01:01 carriers is central memory T-cells. The predominance of T-lymphocytes of this phenotype may contribute to forming long-term T-cell immunity in carriers of this allele. Our results can be the basis for highly effective vaccines based on ORF1ab peptides.
</p>
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🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.07.05.22277214v1" target="_blank">HLA-A*01:01 allele vanishing in COVID-19 patients population associated with non-structural epitope abundance in CD8+ T-cell repertoire</a>
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<li><strong>Class switch towards non-inflammatory IgG isotypes after repeated SARS-CoV-2 mRNA vaccination</strong> -
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Repeated mRNA vaccinations are an efficient tool to combat the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic. High levels of neutralizing SARS-CoV-2-antibodies are an important component of vaccine-induced immunity. Shortly after the first or second mRNA vaccine dose, the IgG response mainly consists of the pro-inflammatory isotypes IgG1 and IgG3 and is driven by T helper (Th) 1 cells. Here, we report that several months after the second vaccination, SARS-CoV-2-specific antibodies were increasingly composed of non-inflammatory IgG2 and particularly IgG4, which were further boosted by a third mRNA vaccination and/or SARS-CoV-2 variant breakthrough infections. While IgG antibodies were affinity matured and of high neutralization capacity, the switch in constant domains caused changes in fragment crystallizable (Fc)-receptor mediated effector functions, including a decreased capacity to facilitate phagocytosis. IgG4 induction was neither induced by Th2 cells nor observed after homologous or heterologous SARS-CoV-2 vaccination with adenoviral vectors. In addition, IgG2- and IgG4-producing memory B cells were phenotypically indistinguishable from IgG1- or IgG3-producing cells. Since Fc-mediated effector functions are critical for antiviral immunity, the described class switch towards non-inflammatory IgG isotypes, which otherwise rarely occurs after vaccination or viral infection, may have consequences for the choice and timing of vaccination regimens using mRNA vaccines.
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🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.07.05.22277189v1" target="_blank">Class switch towards non-inflammatory IgG isotypes after repeated SARS-CoV-2 mRNA vaccination</a>
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<li><strong>Modeling the impact of the Omicron infection wave in Germany</strong> -
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Background In November 2021, the first case of SARS-CoV-2 “variant of concern” (VOC) B.1.1.529 (“Omicron”) was reported in Germany, alongside global reports of reduced vaccine efficacy against infections with this variant. The potential threat posed by the rapid spread of this variant in Germany remained, at the time, elusive. Methods We developed a variant-dependent population-averaged susceptible-exposed-infected-recovered (SEIR) infectious disease model. The model was calibrated on the observed fixation dynamics of the Omicron variant in December 2021, and allowed us to estimate potential courses of upcoming infection waves in Germany, focusing on the corresponding burden on intensive care units (ICUs) and the efficacy of contact reduction strategies. Results A maximum median incidence of approximately 300,000 (50% PI in 1000: [181,454], 95% PI in 1000: [55,804]) reported cases per day was expected with the median peak occurring in the mid of February 2022, reaching a cumulative Omicron case count of 16.5 million (50% PI in mio: [11.4, 21.3], 95% PI in mio: [4.1, 27.9]) until Apr 1, 2022. These figures were in line with the actual Omicron waves that were subsequently observed in Germany with respective peaks occurring in mid February (peak: 191k daily new cases) and mid March (peak: 230k daily new cases), cumulatively infecting 14.8 million individuals during the study period. The model peak incidence was observed to be highly sensitive to variations in the assumed generation time and decreased with shorter generation time. Low contact reductions were expected to lead to containment. Early, strict, and short contact reductions could have led to a strong “rebound” effect with high incidences after the end of the respective non-pharmaceutical interventions. Higher vaccine uptake would have led to a lower outbreak size. To ensure that ICU occupancy remained below maximum capacity, a relative risk of requiring ICU care of 10%-20% was necessary (after infection with Omicron vs. infection with Delta). Conclusions We expected a large cumulative number of infections with the VOC Omicron in Germany with ICU occupancy likely remaining below capacity nevertheless, even without additional non-pharmaceutical interventions. Our estimates were in line with the retrospectively observed waves. The results presented here informed legislation in Germany. The methodology developed in this study might be used to estimate the impact of future waves of COVID-19 or other infectious diseases.
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🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.07.07.22277391v1" target="_blank">Modeling the impact of the Omicron infection wave in Germany</a>
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<li><strong>SHEAR Saliva Collection Device Augments Sample Properties for Improved Analytical Performance.</strong> -
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Despite human saliva representing a convenient and non-invasive clinical substrate for disease diagnosis and biomonitoring, its widespread utilization has been hampered by technical challenges. The non-Newtonian, heterogenous and highly viscous nature of clinical saliva samples complicate the development of automated fluid handling processes that are vital for accurate diagnoses. Furthermore, conventional saliva processing methods are either resource and/or time intensive precluding certain testing capabilities in low- and middle-income countries, with these challenges aggravated during a pandemic outbreak. The conventional approaches can also potentially alter analyte structure, reducing application opportunities in Point-of-Care diagnostics. To overcome these challenges, we introduce the SHEAR saliva collection device that preprocesses saliva for enhanced interfacing with downstream assays. We demonstrate the device9s impact on reducing saliva9s viscosity, improving sample uniformity and, increasing diagnostic performance of COVID-19 Rapid Antigen Tests. Importantly, in addition to reporting technical advances and to address downstream implementation factors, we conducted a formal user experience study, which resulted in generally positive comments. Effective implementation of this device could be of support to realize the potential of saliva, particularly in large-scale and/or resource-limited settings for global and community health diagnostics.
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🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.07.07.22277204v1" target="_blank">SHEAR Saliva Collection Device Augments Sample Properties for Improved Analytical Performance.</a>
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<li><strong>Covid-19 vaccination and menstrual cycle length in the Apple Women’s Health Study</strong> -
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Background: COVID-19 vaccination may be associated with change in menstrual cycle length following vaccination. Methods: We conducted a longitudinal analysis within a subgroup of 14,915 participants in the Apple Womens Health Study (AWHS) who enrolled between November 2019 and December 2021 and met the following eligibility criteria: were living in the U.S., met minimum age requirements for consent, were English speaking, actively tracked their menstrual cycles, and responded to the COVID-19 Vaccine Update survey. In the main analysis, we included tracked cycles recorded when premenopausal participants were not pregnant, lactating, or using hormonal contraceptives. We used conditional linear regression and multivariable linear mixed-effects models with random intercepts to estimate the covariate-adjusted difference in mean cycle length, measured in days, between pre-vaccination cycles, cycles in which a vaccine was administered, and post-vaccination cycles within vaccinated participants, and between vaccinated and unvaccinated participants. We further compared associations between vaccination and menstrual cycle length by the timing of vaccine dose within a menstrual cycle (i.e., in follicular or luteal phase). We present Bonferroni-adjusted 95% confidence intervals to account for multiple comparisons. Results: A total of 128,094 cycles (median = 10 cycles per participant; interquartile range: 4-22) from 9,652 participants (8,486 vaccinated; 1,166 unvaccinated) were included. The average within-individual standard deviation in cycle length was 4.2 days. Fifty-five percent of vaccinated participants received Pfizer-BioNTechs mRNA vaccine, 37% received Modernas mRNA vaccine, and 7% received the Johnson &amp; Johnson/Janssen vaccine (J&amp;J). We found no evidence of a difference between mean menstrual cycle length in the unvaccinated and vaccinated participants prior to vaccination (0.24 days, 95% CI: -0.34, 0.82). Among vaccinated participants, COVID-19 vaccination was associated with a small increase in mean cycle length (MCL) for cycles in which participants received the first dose (0.50 days, 95% CI: 0.22, 0.78) and cycles in which participants received the second dose (0.39 days, 95% CI: 0.11, 0.67) of mRNA vaccines compared with pre-vaccination cycles. Cycles in which the single dose of J&amp;J was administered were, on average, 1.26 days longer (95% CI: 0.45, 2.07) than pre-vaccination cycles. Post-vaccination cycles returned to average pre-vaccination length. Estimates for pre vs post cycle lengths were 0.14 days (95% CI: -0.13, 0.40) in the first cycle following vaccination, 0.13 days (95% CI: -0.14, 0.40) in the second, -0.17 days (95% CI: -0.43, 0.10) in the third, and -0.25 days (95% CI: -0.52, 0.01) in the fourth cycle post-vaccination. Follicular phase vaccination was associated with an increase in MCL in cycles in which participants received the first dose (0.97 days, 95% CI: 0.53, 1.42) or the second dose (1.43 days, 95% CI: 1.06, 1.80) of mRNA vaccines or the J&amp;J dose (2.27 days, 95% CI: 1.04, 3.50), compared with pre-vaccination cycles. Conclusions:COVID-19 vaccination was associated with an immediate short-term increase in menstrual cycle length overall, which appeared to be driven by doses received in the follicular phase. However, the magnitude of this increase was small and diminished in each cycle following vaccination. No association with cycle length persisted over time. The magnitude of change associated with vaccination was well within the natural variability in the study population. Menstrual cycle change following COVID-19 vaccination appears small and temporary and should not discourage individuals from becoming vaccinated.
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🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.07.07.22277371v1" target="_blank">Covid-19 vaccination and menstrual cycle length in the Apple Women’s Health Study</a>
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<li><strong>Changing temporal trends in patient volumes in a pediatric emergency department during a COVID-19 pandemic lockdown: a retrospective cohort study.</strong> -
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Objective: Emergency department (ED) teams have had to adjust limited staffing resources to meet the fluctuating levels of patient volume and acuity during the COVID-19 pandemic.  Historically, Mondays have had the highest reported ED volumes. We are unaware of any studies reporting on the change of this Monday effect during the COVID-19 pandemic.     Methods: This retrospective, observational study of a single pediatric ED compared a pandemic lockdown period (3/23/2020-11/1/2020) with a seasonally comparative period (3/25/2019-11/3/2019). We compared the mean number of patients who arrived on Monday versus any other specific weekday (Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, or Friday) and the aggregate of other weekdays (Tuesday to Friday) for both study periods. Secondary analyses investigated overall mean volumes, admission rates, and differences in triage acuity levels.  Results: There were 31,377 and 18,098 patients in the comparative and pandemic periods.  The mean number of ED visits on Mondays in the comparative period was significantly more than any other weekday and the aggregate of weekdays (latter p&lt;0.001). In contrast, there were no significant differences in the mean number of ED visits on Mondays in the pandemic period relative to any other weekday and the aggregate of weekdays (all p&gt;0.05). The pandemic period had significantly lower mean volumes, higher admission rates, and more patients with higher acuity levels.  Conclusion: The previously experienced Monday effect of increased relative ED patient volumes was not seen during the pandemic period. This change has operational implications for scheduling ED staffing resources. Larger database studies are needed to determine the generalizability of these findings.
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🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.07.07.22277359v1" target="_blank">Changing temporal trends in patient volumes in a pediatric emergency department during a COVID-19 pandemic lockdown: a retrospective cohort study.</a>
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<li><strong>Monkeypox caused less worry than COVID-19 among the general population during the first month of the WHO Monkeypox alert</strong> -
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Background: Monkeypox re-emerged in May 2022 as another global health threat. This study assessed the public9s perception, worries, and vaccine acceptance for Monkeypox and COVID-19 during the first month of WHO announcement. Methods: A national cross-sectional survey was conducted between May 27 and June 5, 2022, in Saudi Arabia. Data were collected on sociodemographic characteristics, previous infection with COVID-19, worry levels regarding Monkeypox compared to COVID-19, awareness, and perceptions of Monkeypox, and vaccine acceptance. Results: Among the 1546 participants, most respondents (62%) were more worried about COVID-19 than Monkeypox. Respondents aged 45 years and above and those with a university degree or higher had lower odds of agreement with Monkeypox vaccination (OR .871, p-value .006, OR .719, p-value &lt;0.001), respectively. Respondents with moderate to a high level of self and family commitment to infection control precautionary measures and those who expressed self and family worry of Monkeypox infection had significantly higher odds of vaccination agreement (OR 1.089 p-value=0.047, OR1.395 p-value=0.003) respectively. On the other hand, respondents who previously developed COVID-19 were significantly more worried about the Monkeypox disease (1.30 times more, p-value=0.020). Conclusion: Worry levels amongst the public are higher from COVID-19 than Monkeypox. Perception of Monkeypox as a dangerous and virulent disease, worry from contracting the disease, and high commitment to infection precautionary measures were predictors of agreement with Monkeypox vaccination. While advanced age and high education level are predictors of low agreement with vaccination.
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🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.07.07.22277365v1" target="_blank">Monkeypox caused less worry than COVID-19 among the general population during the first month of the WHO Monkeypox alert</a>
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<li><strong>Abnormal thrombosis and neutrophil activation increases the risk of hospital-acquired sacral pressure injuries and morbidity in patients with COVID-19</strong> -
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Hospitalized patients have an increased risk of developing hospital-acquired sacral pressure injury (HASPI). However, it is unknown whether SARS-CoV-2 infection affects HASPI development. To explore the role of SARS-CoV-2 infection in HASPI development, we conducted a single institution, multi-hospital, retrospective study of all patients hospitalized for ≥5 days from March 1, 2020 to December 31, 2020. Patient demographics, hospitalization information, ulcer characteristics, and 30-day-related morbidity were collected for all patients with HASPIs, and intact skin was collected from HASPI borders in a patient subset. We determined the incidence, disease course, and short-term morbidity of HASPIs in COVID-19(+) patients, and characterized the skin histopathology and tissue gene signatures associated with HASPIs in COVID-19 disease. COVID-19(+) patients had a 63% increased HASPI incidence rate, HASPIs of more severe ulcer stage (OR 2.0, p&lt;0.001), and HASPIs more likely to require debridement (OR 3.1, p=0.04) compared to COVID-19(-) patients. Furthermore, COVID-19(+) patients with HASPIs had 2.2x odds of a more severe hospitalization course compared to COVID-19(+) patients without HASPIs. HASPI skin histology from COVID-19(+) patients predominantly showed thrombotic vasculopathy, with the number of thrombosed vessels being significantly greater than HASPIs from COVID-19(-) patients. Transcriptional signatures of COVID-19(+) samples were enriched for innate immune responses, thrombosis, and neutrophil activation genes. SARS-CoV-2 viral transcripts were detected in skin tissue of COVID-19(+) patients with severe disease. Overall, our results suggest that immunologic dysregulation secondary to SARS-CoV-2 infection, including neutrophil dysfunction and abnormal thrombosis, may play a pathogenic role in development of HASPIs in patients with severe COVID-19.
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🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.07.07.22277374v1" target="_blank">Abnormal thrombosis and neutrophil activation increases the risk of hospital-acquired sacral pressure injuries and morbidity in patients with COVID-19</a>
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<li><strong>Altered affinity to ACE2 and reduced Fc functional antibodies to SARS-CoV-2 RBD variants</strong> -
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The emergence of severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) variants remains a formidable challenge to worldwide public health. The receptor binding domain (RBD) of the SARS-CoV-2 spike protein is a hotspot for mutations, reflecting its critical role at the ACE2 interface during viral entry. We comprehensively investigated the impact of RBD mutations, including 6 variants of concern (VOC) or interest (Alpha, Beta, Gamma, Delta, Kappa and Omicron) and 33 common point mutations, on IgG recognition, FcgR-engagement, and ACE2-binding inhibition in plasma from BNT162b2-vaccine recipients (two-weeks following second dose) and mild-to-moderate COVID-19 convalescent subjects using our custom bead-based 39-plex array. We observed that IgG-recognition and FcgR-binding antibodies were most profoundly decreased against Beta and Omicron RBDs, as well as point mutations G446S, found in Omicron, and N501T, a key mutation found in animal adapted SARS-CoV-2 viruses. Measurement of RBD-ACE2 binding affinity via Biolayer Interferometry showed all VOC RBDs have enhanced affinity to human ACE2. Furthermore we demonstrate that human ACE2 polymorphisms, E35K (rs1348114695), K26R (rs4646116) and S19P (rs73635825), have altered binding kinetics to the RBD of VOCs potentially affecting virus-host interaction and thereby host susceptibility.
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🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.07.07.22277364v1" target="_blank">Altered affinity to ACE2 and reduced Fc functional antibodies to SARS-CoV-2 RBD variants</a>
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<li><strong>Feasibility of and Experience with Telehealth Based Patient Self-referral for COVID-19 Monoclonal Antibody Therapy</strong> -
<div>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
Background: Monoclonal antibody (mAb) treatment for COVID-19 has been underutilized due to logistical challenges, lack of access and variable treatment awareness among patients and providers. The use of telehealth during the pandemic provides an opportunity to increase access to COVID care. Methods: This is a single-center descriptive study of telehealth-based patient self-referral for mAb therapy between March 1, 2021 to October 31, 2021 at Baltimore Convention Center Field Hospital (BCCFH). Results: Among the 1001 self-referral patients, the mean age was 47, , and most were female (57%) white (66%), and had a primary care provider (62%). During the study period, self-referrals increased from 14 per month in March to 427 in October resulting in a 30-fold increase. About 57% of self-referred patients received a telehealth visit, and of those 82% of patients received mAb infusion therapy, either onsite or at other infusion sites. The median time from self-referral to onsite infusion was 2 days (1-3 IQR). Discussion: Our study shows the integration of telehealth with a self-referral process improved access to mAb infusion. A high proportion of self-referrals were appropriate and led to timely treatment. Incorporation of self-referral and telehealth for monoclonal antibody therapy led to successful timely infusions. This approach helped those without traditional avenues for care and avoided potential delay for patients seeking referral from their medical providers.
</p>
</div>
<div class="article-link article-html-link">
🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.07.07.22277363v1" target="_blank">Feasibility of and Experience with Telehealth Based Patient Self-referral for COVID-19 Monoclonal Antibody Therapy</a>
</div></li>
</ul>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-clinical-trials">From Clinical Trials</h1>
<ul>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Immuno-bridging Study of COVID-19 Protein Subunit Recombinant Vaccine</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   COVID-19<br/><b>Interventions</b>:   Biological: COVID-19 Protein Subunit Recombinant Vaccine;   Biological: Active Comparator<br/><b>Sponsors</b>:   PT Bio Farma;   Fakultas Kedokteran Universitas Indonesia;   Faculty of Medicine Universitas Diponegoro;   Faculty of Medicine Universitas Andalas;   Faculty of Medicine Universitas Hassanudin<br/><b>Recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>A Study to Learn About the Study Medicines (Called Nirmatrelvir/Ritonavir) in People 12 Years Old or Older With COVID-19 Who Are Immunocompromised</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   COVID-19<br/><b>Interventions</b>:   Drug: Nirmatrelvir;   Drug: Ritonavir;   Drug: Placebo for nirmatrelvir;   Drug: Placebo for ritonavir<br/><b>Sponsor</b>:   Pfizer<br/><b>Not yet recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>A Randomized Controlled Trial of a Digital, Self-testing Strategy for COVID-19 Infection in South Africa.</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   COVID-19<br/><b>Interventions</b>:   Device: Abbott Panbio rapid antigen self-tests;   Other: COVIDSmart CARE! app<br/><b>Sponsors</b>:   McGill University Health Centre/Research Institute of the McGill University Health Centre;   University of Cape Town Lung Institute<br/><b>Not yet recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Generation of SARS-CoV-2-specific T Lymphocytes From Recovered Donors and Administration to High-risk COVID-19 Patients</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   Severe COVID-19<br/><b>Interventions</b>:   Biological: Coronavirus-2-specific T cells;   Other: standard of care (SOC)<br/><b>Sponsors</b>:   George Papanicolaou Hospital;   General Hospital Of Thessaloniki Ippokratio<br/><b>Recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Evaluate the Efficacy and Safety of FB2001 in Hospitalized Patients With Moderate to Severe COVID-19 (BRIGHT Study)</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   COVID-19<br/><b>Interventions</b>:   Drug: FB2001;   Drug: FB2001 placebo<br/><b>Sponsor</b>:   Frontier Biotechnologies Inc.<br/><b>Not yet recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Engaging Staff to Improve COVID-19 Vaccination Response at Long-Term Care Facilities</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   COVID-19<br/><b>Interventions</b>:   Behavioral: Full Intervention;   Other: Enhanced Usual Care<br/><b>Sponsors</b>:   Kaiser Permanente;   Patient-Centered Outcomes Research Institute;   Global Alliance to Prevent Prematurity and Stillbirth (GAPPS)<br/><b>Recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Immunogenicity and Safety Study of One Booster Dose of Trivalent COVID-19 Vaccine (Vero Cell), Inactivated</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   COVID-19<br/><b>Interventions</b>:   Biological: Trivalent COVID-19 Vaccine (Vero Cell), Inactivated, Prototype Strain, Delta Strain and Omicron Strain;   Biological: COVID-19 Vaccine (Vero Cell), Inactivated<br/><b>Sponsors</b>:   Sinovac Biotech (Colombia) S.A.S.;   Sinovac Life Sciences Co., Ltd.<br/><b>Not yet recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>A Study to Evaluate the Efficacy of PanCytoVir™ for the Treatment of Non-Hospitalized Patients With COVID-19 Infection</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   COVID-19<br/><b>Interventions</b>:   Drug: PanCytoVir™ (probenecid);   Drug: Placebo<br/><b>Sponsor</b>:   TrippBio, Inc.<br/><b>Not yet recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Value of Montelukast as a Potential Treatment of Post COVID-19 Persistent Cough</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   Post COVID-19<br/><b>Intervention</b>:   Drug: Montelukast Sodium Tablets<br/><b>Sponsor</b>:   Assiut University<br/><b>Completed</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Topical Antibacterial Agents for Prevention of COVID-19</strong> - <b>Conditions</b>:   COVID-19;   SARS-CoV2 Infection<br/><b>Interventions</b>:   Drug: Neosporin;   Other: Vaseline<br/><b>Sponsors</b>:   Yale University;   Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation<br/><b>Not yet recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">**NanoMn®_COVID-19 A Prospective, Multicenter, Randomized, Placebo-controlled, Parallel-group, Double-blind Trial to Evaluate the Clinical Efficacy of NanoManganese® on Top of Standard of Care, in Adult Patients With Moderate to Severe Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19)** - <b>Condition</b>:   COVID-19 Pandemic<br/><b>Interventions</b>:   Drug: Placebo;   Drug: Experimental drug<br/><b>Sponsor</b>:   Medesis Pharma SA<br/><b>Recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Plasma Exchange Therapy for Post- COVID-19 Condition: A Pilot, Randomized Double-Blind Study</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   Post-COVID19 Condition<br/><b>Interventions</b>:   Combination Product: Plasma Exchange Procedure;   Other: Sham Plasma Exchange Procedure<br/><b>Sponsors</b>:   Fundación FLS de Lucha Contra el Sida, las Enfermedades Infecciosas y la Promoción de la Salud y la Ciencia;   IrsiCaixa;   Banc de Sang i Teixits<br/><b>Not yet recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Evaluation of Effectiveness of Proprietary Rehabilitation Program in Patients After COVID-19 Infection</strong> - <b>Conditions</b>:   COVID-19;   Rehabilitation<br/><b>Intervention</b>:   Other: resistance respiratory training with the use of respiratory muscle trainer<br/><b>Sponsor</b>:   Medical University of Bialystok<br/><b>Recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>A Study to Evaluate the Safety, Tolerability, and Immunogenicity of SARS-CoV-2 Variant (COVID-19 Omicron) mRNA Vaccine (Phase 1)</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   COVID-19<br/><b>Intervention</b>:   Biological: ABO1009-DP<br/><b>Sponsor</b>:   Suzhou Abogen Biosciences Co., Ltd.<br/><b>Not yet recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>A Study to Evaluate Safety, Tolerability, and Immunogenicity of SARS-CoV-2 Variant (COVID-19) mRNA Vaccines</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   COVID-19<br/><b>Interventions</b>:   Biological: ABO1009-DP;   Biological: ABO-CoV.617.2;   Other: Placebo<br/><b>Sponsor</b>:   Suzhou Abogen Biosciences Co., Ltd.<br/><b>Not yet recruiting</b></p></li>
</ul>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-pubmed">From PubMed</h1>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-patent-search">From Patent Search</h1>
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<h1 data-aos="fade-down" id="daily-dose">Daily-Dose</h1>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" data-aos-anchor-placement="top-bottom" id="contents">Contents</h1>
<ul>
<li><a href="#from-new-yorker">From New Yorker</a></li>
<li><a href="#from-vox">From Vox</a></li>
<li><a href="#from-the-hindu-sports">From The Hindu: Sports</a></li>
<li><a href="#from-the-hindu-national-news">From The Hindu: National News</a></li>
<li><a href="#from-bbc-europe">From BBC: Europe</a></li>
<li><a href="#from-ars-technica">From Ars Technica</a></li>
<li><a href="#from-jokes-subreddit">From Jokes Subreddit</a></li>
</ul>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-new-yorker">From New Yorker</h1>
<ul>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Ethical Health Care After Roe</strong> - Isaac Chotiner speaks with Louise Perkins King, a surgeon and bioethicist at Harvard and the vice-chair of ethics at the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, about how bioethicists think about abortion, how the medical community should approach its own members who are opposed to abortion, and whether it is ever appropriate for medical-care providers to break the law. - <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/news/q-and-a/ethical-health-care-after-roe">link</a></p></li>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>How Boris Johnson’s Government Finally Collapsed</strong> - In twenty-four hours, more than three dozen ministers and aides deserted the Prime Minister. On July 7th, he announced his plan to resign. - <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/boris-johnsons-government-is-collapsing-in-on-itself">link</a></p></li>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Abortion Is About Freedom, Not Just Privacy</strong> - The right to abortion is an affirmation that women and girls have the right to control their own destiny. - <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/news/our-columnists/abortion-is-about-freedom-not-just-privacy">link</a></p></li>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>How Shinzo Abe Sought to Rewrite Japanese History</strong> - Japan’s longest-serving Prime Minister wanted a more assertive place for his country on the international stage—at the expense of atonement and historical accountability. - <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/news/q-and-a/how-shinzo-abe-sought-to-rewrite-japanese-history">link</a></p></li>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>The Self-Fulfilling Prophecies of Clarence Thomas</strong> - For decades, Thomas has had a deeply pessimistic view of the country, rooted in his reading of the Fourteenth Amendment. After the Supreme Court’s recent opinions, his dystopia is becoming our reality. - <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/the-self-fulfilling-prophecies-of-clarence-thomas">link</a></p></li>
</ul>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-vox">From Vox</h1>
<ul>
<li><strong>TikTok is full of shady secret advertisements</strong> -
<figure>
<img alt="A photo illustration of the TikTok logo." src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/ufXhNRaa6VquXZAIiHmlA4fkKT4=/289x0:1640x1013/1310x983/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_image/image/71094245/tik_tok_ad_board_1.0.jpg"/>
<figcaption>
Christina Animashaun/Vox
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
Influencers are supposed to disclose their ads, but nothing happens when they don’t.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="1Q6RJY">
In spring 2020, several large, family-friendly TikTok accounts posted videos where they pulled pranks on their friends and family members. They all used toys from Basic Fun!’s Joker Prank Shop line, and all of the videos prominently featured them buying the merchandise at their local Walmart.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="YkuCg6">
The posts sure seemed like ads, but few of them indicated that their creators were paid to promote the toys to an especially vulnerable audience: kids. Many of the creators themselves were kids.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="WLgh83">
But they were ads, according to Influencer Marketing Factory, an agency that took credit for the campaign <a href="https://theinfluencermarketingfactory.com/case-studies/the-joker-prankshop-basic-fun-walmart/">on its website</a> and its <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@influencermarketing/video/6823746504285637893">own TikTok account</a>. Influencer Marketing Factory bills itself as “the influencer marketing expert” and did not respond to multiple requests for comment. The company says it has done TikTok campaigns for everything from <a href="https://theinfluencermarketingfactory.com/case-studies/30-day-fitness-tiktok-influencer-marketing-campaign/">fitness apps</a> to <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@influencermarketing/video/7099258048371264773">mushroom coffee</a>. Some influencers labeled those posts as ads or partnerships. Many didn’t. All of them should have, according to <a href="https://www.ftc.gov/sites/default/files/attachments/press-releases/ftc-publishes-final-guides-governing-endorsements-testimonials/091005revisedendorsementguides.pdf">truth in advertising rules</a> that are supposed to be enforced by the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and state attorneys general.
</p>
<div id="sHEdCF">
<blockquote cite="https://www.tiktok.com/@shilohandbros/video/6799009542165236998" class="tiktok-embed">
<section>
<a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@shilohandbros?refer=embed" target="_blank" title="@shilohandbros"><span class="citation" data-cites="shilohandbros">@shilohandbros</span></a>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
Never start a prank war with your sister. You will always lose <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/tag/thejokerprankshop" target="_blank" title="thejokerprankshop">#thejokerprankshop</a>
</p>
<a href="https://www.tiktok.com/music/original-sound-6798909382240291589?refer=embed" target="_blank" title="♬ original sound - Shiloh&amp;Elijah Nelson">♬ original sound - Shiloh&amp;Elijah Nelson</a>
</section>
</blockquote>
</div>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="tCm2xR">
Very few parties seem interested in knowing or following the rules. So much so that a marketing agency seems perfectly comfortable displaying what appear to be violations of them that it helped to create. The two TikTok accounts whose posts were featured in the agency’s Joker Prank Shop case study, <span class="citation" data-cites="shilohandbros">@shilohandbros</span> and <span class="citation" data-cites="haueterfamily">@haueterfamily</span>, did not respond to multiple requests for comment. Walmart told Recode it wasn’t involved in the ad campaign at all, and Basic Fun! said it no longer worked with Influencer Marketing Factory and was trying to have the case study removed from its site.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="Y4K3uH">
“Because noncompliance is so pervasive, I am not surprised to see agencies showcase work that violates the law,” Robert Freund, a lawyer who specializes in social media advertising law, told Recode.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="JKtBYJ">
It’s pervasive because it’s easy: With the internet and social media, there is a seemingly infinite supply of content to regulate and almost no transparency, which makes it exceedingly difficult for the agencies charged with enforcing the rules to know when they’re being broken.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="NkLDpO">
“While it’s the wild west in TikTok, it’s actually really the wild west everywhere,” Kelly Cutler, a faculty member and director of the integrated marketing communications program at Northwestern University, said. “It’s just that other social networks are more sophisticated, and maybe have stronger creative guidelines, better ad formats, more help.”
</p>
<h3 id="24jzky">
Lots of money, very few consequences
</h3>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="I6c4DW">
This isn’t about just one agency, brand, or a handful of creators. TikTok is full of secret sponsored content, or sponcon. Even some of its largest accounts don’t label paid promotions properly, if at all. Charli D’Amelio has more than 140 million followers, making her the second-most followed account on TikTok. She also has a <a href="https://www.worldteanews.com/products-equipment/mymuse-enhanced-teas-and-waters-launch-damelio-family">partnership</a> with the flavored water and tea brand Muse, which she doesn’t always make apparent. In a recent <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@charlidamelio/video/7096936953765170478">Q&amp;A post</a>, she was asked, “What’s so special about the muse drink?”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="UZwhLw">
Holding a bottle of Muse in one hand, she gave her answer. In full: “This one’s pretty simple. They’re really good, and I really like them. And they have a lot of different flavors and a lot of health benefits, so.” She concluded with a thumbs up.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="w8b9u4">
D’Amelio tagged Muse in the description, but she never said Muse paid her, or that she had a partnership with them. She also didn’t use TikTok’s branded content labeling tool, which the platform introduced last year <a href="https://support.tiktok.com/en/business-and-creator/creator-and-business-accounts/branded-content-on-tiktok">and says</a> creators “must enable” when posting branded content. (Muse and D’Amelio did not respond to requests for comment.)
</p>
<div id="IlKdpZ">
<blockquote cite="https://www.tiktok.com/@charlidamelio/video/7096936953765170478" class="tiktok-embed">
<section>
<a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@charlidamelio?refer=embed" target="_blank" title="@charlidamelio"><span class="citation" data-cites="charlidamelio">@charlidamelio</span></a>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
<a href="https://www.tiktok.com/tag/answer" target="_blank" title="answer">#answer</a> to <span class="citation" data-cites="Rafif">@Rafif</span> <span class="citation" data-cites="drinkmymuse">@drinkmymuse</span>
</p>
<a href="https://www.tiktok.com/music/original-sound-7096936901675895594?refer=embed" target="_blank" title="♬ original sound - charli d’amelio">♬ original sound - charli d’amelio</a>
</section>
</blockquote>
</div>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="2fk5SB">
Patrick Minor, known as <span class="citation" data-cites="ayypatrick">@ayypatrick</span> on the platform, has 10 million followers and frequently features Bang brand drinks in his posts, often conspicuously placing them on a <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@ayypatrick/video/7103803389321973035">kitchen table</a> or <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@ayypatrick/video/7098432466297343275">bathroom counter</a>. He tags the brand in the posts, but that’s it. Nothing saying he’s paid to put the drink in his posts, and no branded content label. He may well just be the world’s biggest Bang fan, or he could be getting paid to promote the “best energy drink for Kyles and Chads.” His account doesn’t make that clear, and neither he nor Bang responded to requests for comment, so there’s no way to say for sure.
</p>
<div id="YOev3J">
<blockquote cite="https://www.tiktok.com/@ayypatrick/video/7098432466297343275" class="tiktok-embed">
<section>
<a href="https://www.tiktok.com/@ayypatrick?refer=embed" target="_blank" title="@ayypatrick"><span class="citation" data-cites="ayypatrick">@ayypatrick</span></a>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
15 SECOND PERSONALITY QUIZ <span class="citation" data-cites="voozhydrate">@voozhydrate</span> <a href="https://www.tiktok.com/tag/voozhydrate" target="_blank" title="voozhydrate">#voozhydrate</a>
</p>
<a href="https://www.tiktok.com/music/FEEL-THE-GROOVE-6769046027488987137?refer=embed" target="_blank" title="♬ FEEL THE GROOVE - Queens Road, Fabian Graetz">♬ FEEL THE GROOVE - Queens Road, Fabian Graetz</a>
</section>
</blockquote>
</div>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="2G9Rxf">
This problem isn’t unique to TikTok. Instagram has been <a href="https://www.theverge.com/2017/6/12/15784998/instagram-sponcon-celebrity-posts-not-labeled-ftc">dealing</a> with it for years, giving brands plenty of time to figure out influencer advertising strategies before TikTok came along. By the time the platform was just a year old, it was <a href="https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/laurenstrapagiel/tiktok-influencer-marketing">already awash</a> in sponsored content — some labeled, some not.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="S9q1kt">
But TikTok’s undisclosed ad problem seems to be particularly bad. The app is <a href="https://techcrunch.com/2022/06/09/amid-growing-concerns-around-addiction-tiktok-rolls-out-more-screen-tools/">believed</a> to be especially addictive, with users spending <a href="https://www.emarketer.com/content/us-social-media-usage-2022">far more time</a> on TikTok than on competitors’ apps. And everything is younger: the users, the creators, and the platform itself. TikTok is only now encountering some of the regulatory and legal <a href="https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/news/press-releases/2019/02/video-social-networking-app-musically-agrees-settle-ftc-allegations-it-violated-childrens-privacy">growing</a> <a href="https://www.npr.org/2021/02/25/971460327/tiktok-to-pay-92-million-to-settle-class-action-suit-over-theft-of-personal-data">pains</a> its social media platform peers faced years ago.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="6lXvxU">
TikTok is also very popular with a desirable and elusive demographic: Gen Z. And brands know that influencers can be a great way to reach them.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="7G303k">
“Gen Z is very predisposed to influencer effectiveness,” Gary Wilcox, a communications and marketing professor at the University of Texas, said.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="xayi4g">
There’s a lot of money in influencer marketing. US brands will spend more than $4 billion on influencer ads in 2022, <a href="https://www.emarketer.com/content/analyst-note-new-forecast-us-influencer-marketing-now-3-billion-plus-industry">Insider Intelligence predicts</a>, while <a href="https://influencermarketinghub.com/influencer-marketing-benchmark-report/">Influencer Marketing Hub predicts</a> that the global influencer marketing industry will be worth $16.4 billion in 2022. Only a tiny fraction of the brands and influencers who skirt the laws will face any consequences for it, and those consequences are often little more than a slap on the wrist, like a warning letter or a <a href="https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/news/press-releases/2016/05/ftc-approves-final-lord-taylor-order-prohibiting-deceptive-advertising-techniques">consent order</a>.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="mLWgnS">
There are a few reasons why deceptive ads are so prevalent on social media platforms, Freund said. Influencers and even brands and ad agencies may not know the rules, especially if they’re small and inexperienced.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="fj4uaP">
“They’re not, by and large, going to go research what the legal issues are,” Freund explained. “And in many cases, influencers are not really carefully reviewing the contracts that they signed with brands or agencies.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="Iafl3e">
MUD, a company that makes mushroom-based coffee alternatives, paid several TikTok influencers to market its product through Influencer Marketing Factory. But those ads weren’t labeled — something MUDapparently didn’t realize until a reporter sent the links to them.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="53So7q">
“We’re very aware of FTC laws around influencer marketing and care a lot about eliminating deceptive advertising on social media,” spokesperson Elizabeth Limbach said. “And while we do everything in our power to make sure we’re compliant with the laws, it is the influencer’s legal responsibility to disclose that it’s an ad in their caption.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="wsWZeF">
MUDsaid it no longer works with Influencer Marketing Factory and would be reaching out to the influencers to ask them to add the disclosure. But if it didn’t have a program in place to ensure that ads for its products were compliant, MUDmay be partially responsible for the undisclosed ad, even though it went through an intermediary.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="8df2mw">
“It’s unrealistic to expect you to be aware of every single statement made by a member of your network. But it’s up to you to make a reasonable effort to know what participants in your network are saying,” the FTC says in a guide to <a href="https://www.ftc.gov/business-guidance/resources/ftcs-endorsement-guides-what-people-are-asking#advertisersresponsibilities">frequently asked questions about </a>endorsements on social media.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="4pxhWy">
Even brands and influencers that know and want to follow the rules may feel pressure not to if they see others get away with undisclosed ads, especially if they’re getting a competitive edge over them. And then there are the brands and influencers who know the rules but are willing to take the risk of not following them. Few violators are caught. When they are, the penalties may be far less than the money they make from a noncompliant ad.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="UVARzg">
“It’s a risk calculation,” Freud said.
</p>
<h3 id="tRwdHd">
Why secret sponcon is so hard to stop
</h3>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="zsMjEc">
The European Union’s European Commission recently acted on its concerns over hidden ads on TikTok, <a href="https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/en/ip_22_3823">recently reaching</a> an agreement with the platform to “align its practices with the EU rules on advertising and consumer protection.” (Among <a href="https://www.beuc.eu/publications/beuc-x-2021-012_tiktok_without_filters.pdf">other things</a>, the platform was accused of “failing to protect children from hidden advertising.”) TikTok agreed to give users a way to report undisclosed branded content and to review posts from users who have more than 10,000 followers to ensure that its branded content rules are being followed. But consumers in the United States have even less recourse, as TikTok <a href="https://www.vox.com/recode/2020/5/28/21273241/section-230-explained-trump-social-media-twitter-facebook">typically isn’t liable</a> for the content its users post.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="gsBuyA">
The FTC is aware of the problem. The agency has tried to <a href="https://www.ftc.gov/business-guidance/resources/disclosures-101-social-media-influencers">spell out</a>, in as plain and simple language as possible, what the rules are and who is responsible for following them. It’s not just the content creators but also the brands and agencies paying them that <a href="https://www.ftc.gov/business-guidance/resources/ftcs-endorsement-guides-what-people-are-asking#advertisersresponsibilities">are supposed</a> to have programs in place to ensure compliance.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="lKtcdO">
Those ad disclosures must be “clear and conspicuous,” according to the FTC’s <a href="https://www.ftc.gov/sites/default/files/attachments/press-releases/ftc-staff-revises-online-advertising-disclosure-guidelines/130312dotcomdisclosures.pdf">digital advertising guides</a>. For instance, putting “ad” or “#ad” in the description is fine, but not if it’s so far down that users have to click “see more” to see it. Simply tagging the brand being promoted — which is all a lot of influencers seem to do — isn’t enough.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="GJyzn9">
The FTC is working on <a href="https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/news/press-releases/2022/06/ftc-looks-modernize-its-guidance-preventing-digital-deception">updating</a> its 2013 digital advertising disclosure guidelines, which predate TikTok by several years. It’s also <a href="https://www.ftc.gov/business-guidance/blog/2022/05/save-date-ftc-host-protecting-kids-stealth-advertising-digital-media">looking at</a> how children may be particularly susceptible to deceptive ads. But when it comes to enforcing those guidelines, the FTC has to pick its battles. Social media ad monitoring is not the agency’s only job.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="JfJrAm">
Undisclosed ads are “small potatoes, if we’re really being honest about it,” Northwestern’s Cutler said. “I think it’s a fractional percentage of what is happening in the digital marketing landscape right now that the FTC has their eyes on. I think they’re really worried about data privacy.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="CdfbU9">
The FTC can’t go after everyone, so it goes after the most egregious cases it can make an example out of. When the agency sued wellness brand Teami in March 2020, it wasn’t just over improperly disclosed Instagram ads from prominent influencers; it was also over unsubstantiated claims they made about Teami’s health benefits, which is a big consumer protection no-no. Teami ended up paying out almost $1 million, but the FTC didn’t go after the influencers involved, which included Cardi B and Jordin Sparks. Ten of them only got <a href="https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/documents/cases/1823174teamiwarningletters.pdf">warning letters</a> from the FTC and some <a href="https://www.buzzfeednews.com/article/katienotopoulos/cardi-b-got-a-warning-from-the-ftc-over-not-disclosing">bad press</a>. The FTC has also <a href="https://www.ftc.gov/news-events/news/press-releases/2021/10/ftc-puts-hundreds-businesses-notice-about-fake-reviews-other-misleading-endorsements">sent what’s known as a Notice of Penalty Offense</a> to hundreds of companies letting them know that failing to disclose relationships with endorsers could subject them to monetary penalties.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="Iq9tOz">
The FTC isn’t the only agency with enforcement powers in this area. State attorneys general can also go after brands and influencers for unfair or deceptive practices, though that work has <a href="https://www.naag.org/attorney-general-journal/the-new-referral-innovative-ways-to-tackle-consumer-protection-issues-involving-fake-social-media-influencers/">mostly focused</a> on fake reviews, the use of fake social media accounts to make a brand or product seem more popular than it actually is, and <a href="https://www.dallasnews.com/business/entrepreneurs/2022/02/06/d-fw-influencer-brittany-dawn-faces-deceptive-trade-practices-lawsuit-from-texas-attorney-general/">making false claims</a>.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="3PYlrf">
Private parties also have recourse. A travel advocacy group <a href="https://www.travelersunited.org/influencer-legal-action/">recently sued</a> a travel influencer, accusing her of making false claims and not disclosing paid promotions on her Instagram and TikTok accounts. (The suit also accused the influencer of saying she had sponsorships that she didn’t.) The group noted that it felt compelled to bring the suit itself because the FTC “has not acted with haste in social media advertising enforcements,” and that “travel influencing is largely unregulated.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="z82pRd">
Freund thinks we might see more lawsuits in the future. “I predict that we will see consumer class action litigation over these social media disclosure rules,” he said. “It’s just a matter of time for plaintiff’s attorneys to figure out that this is a type of claim that could be successful.” And as soon as one lawsuit is successful, many more will likely follow.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="gtHZFT">
For now, users can report undisclosed ads to their state attorneys general or the FTC <a href="https://reportfraud.ftc.gov/">through its fraud reporting portal</a>. They can also report them to TikTok through the report post function, although the drop-down menu doesn’t list deceptively labeled ads as a reason; you’ll have to just pick “other.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="2XJLQG">
While TikTok itself may not be on the hook, legally, for undisclosed branded content that users post on its platform, the company told Recode that it has guidelines about disclosing ads, and content that is found to violate those guidelines will be removed. The platform also said it uses a “combination of technology” to screen for undisclosed ads and that it reviews reports of possible violations made by users.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="8ol3GA">
Last year, TikTok introduced a branded content toggle, which creators <a href="https://support.tiktok.com/en/business-and-creator/creator-and-business-accounts/branded-content-on-tiktok">must now use</a> when they post branded content, though a quick scan of some of the most popular creators’ accounts indicates that many of them don’t. Astrology influencer Cole Prots, whose <span class="citation" data-cites="jkitscole">@jkitscole</span> account has 3.4 million followers, told Recode that he doesn’t use the toggle because “it causes a lot of struggles to get approved by TikTok,” and he believes posts with it get less engagement.
</p>
<h3 id="MLINsQ">
It may be in TikTok’s best interest to police itself
</h3>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="P9ZFSQ">
The problem isn’t just that these platforms are difficult to police. There’s also the question of who is being harmed by undisclosed ads and how bad that harm is — especially when compared to the many other, <a href="https://www.vox.com/2019/3/28/18285782/facebook-hud-lawsuit-charges-housing-discrimination-ad-targeting">arguably</a> <a href="https://www.vox.com/recode/22189727/2020-pandemic-ruined-digital-privacy">worse</a> harms we’ve seen in social media and online advertising.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="bnLAb5">
“If I try this product I’ve never used before but this person says it’s good, and I try it and don’t like it or it doesn’t do what I think it should, then I’m probably not going to go back and repurchase that product,” Wilcox, the University of Texas professor, said.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="CAFWRo">
Many consumers — even the young ones — are also savvy enough to know when they’re being sold something, even when the ad isn’t labeled, according to Cutler. “Generation Z, young kids, they want to participate in that unique, organic experience,” he said. “They don’t want to be sold to.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="edYHg9">
In the end, the real push against deceptive ads may not come from enforcers or the threat of them, but from the platforms themselves. Timelines and For You pages full of shady ads will turn off users, and users are more valuable to platforms than anything else.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="3BsZTt">
“A great way to aggravate your users is to show them stuff that they didn’t sign up for and that they don’t want,” Cutler said. Users don’t want to be bombarded with ads, especially when it feels like their favorite creators are trying to trick them, or that the creators are no longer being authentic. These users may not stick around if that’s what TikTok increasingly becomes.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="fV56yh">
“From my perspective, the biggest risk is to TikTok itself,” Cutler said. “Generation Z, and really all social network users … they’re not going to wait around forever. If they’re not having a great experience, they’ll move on.”
</p></li>
<li><strong>School funding lawsuits are long, frustrating, and crucial for fighting inequality</strong> -
<figure>
<img alt="" src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/Ny_I0DQ_OIVtLv7QGbzIqk-cMV0=/339x0:6218x4409/1310x983/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_image/image/71094215/Mrs._Serr_75_to_1_rally.0.jpg"/>
<figcaption>
Konnie Serr, a retired elementary school teacher from the Shippensburg Area School District in Pennsylvania, speaks at a rally in Harrisburg in December 2021. She highlighted a comment made by the Panther Valley school superintendent that he had 75 kindergartners sharing a single toilet. | Education Voters of PA, courtesy of Susan Spicka
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
A Pennsylvania trial is wrapping up, and billions of dollars for students are on the line.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="nDhNzq">
Ever since <a href="http://hanushek.stanford.edu/publications/economics-schooling-production-and-efficiency-public-schools">the mid-1980s</a>, policymakers and researchers have debated the question of whether public school funding really matters. Yes, some school districts have more money per student, but is it money that helps improve student achievement or is it better teachers? Is it increased spending that boosts test scores or higher-quality curriculum and nicer facilities?
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="CDVWKq">
Both Republicans and Democrats have capitalized on the debate when it proved convenient, suggesting <a href="https://archive.thinkprogress.org/congressman-says-we-dont-need-education-funding-because-socrates-trained-plato-on-a-rock-22521dd2f53e/">maybe schools</a> <a href="https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED563793.pdf">were getting too much</a> and <a href="https://reason.org/commentary/governor-fights-the-good-fight-in-n/">needed to embrace</a> their favored policy reforms instead.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="DYkXM8">
If this all sounds rather silly to you, you’re not alone. Money pays for teachers, after all. For facilities. For textbooks and technology. Thankfully, <a href="https://files.eric.ed.gov/fulltext/ED563793.pdf">decades</a> of <a href="https://works.bepress.com/c_kirabo_jackson/38/">research</a> has <a href="https://www.chalkbeat.org/2019/8/13/21055545/4-new-studies-bolster-the-case-more-money-for-schools-helps-low-income-students">mounted</a> to push the tiresome debate in a much more constructive direction. A raft of studies now show sustained increases in school funding lead to better outcomes for students, as measured by higher test scores, higher graduation rates, and even higher wages.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="BDUECF">
It’s still not entirely clear where said funding increases should go. More tutors? After school programming? Music programs or athletics? But spending too little overall, researchers feel confident in saying, will hurt kids’ chances.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="U5SKiL">
Armed with this knowledge, advocates for public schools still face a problem. How do you get state legislators to spend more on education? While school funding is a mix of local, state, and federal dollars, the least amount comes from the federal government. Local communities can raise property taxes, but most cities can only tax their residents so much, and relying on local taxes alone is a surefire way to ensure schools in rich areas are better off than schools in poor ones. States, therefore, play an important role, but as any education activist can tell you, it can be awfully hard to get state lawmakers to act without pressure.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="uSb2Ut">
That’s where state school funding lawsuits come in. Since 1973, the Supreme Court has held there <a href="https://edeq.stanford.edu/sections/section-4-lawsuits/landmark-us-cases-related-equality-opportunity-k-12-education">exists no federal right to an equal education</a>, so lawyers and advocates have turned to arguments based on state constitutions instead. These cases, where students or parents or even school districts themselves sue for more funding, have emerged as a key way to get <a href="https://davidcard.berkeley.edu/papers/school-finance-reform.pdf">more money into low-income schools</a>. “Very few major changes in school funding have ever taken place without judicial action<em>,” </em>said David Knight, a professor of education finance at the University of Washington College of Education.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="xJZzG5">
But these cases take years to litigate, are hard to win, and even if a plaintiff does win, state lawmakers <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/02/us/kansas-supreme-court-school-spending.html">often</a> <a href="https://www.yakimaherald.com/news/local/education/washington-supreme-court-says-100-000-daily-fines-against-state-will-continue/article_e22c7a7e-8c5b-11e6-8683-639b8e34a1e9.html">drag their</a> <a href="https://www.njspotlightnews.org/2020/10/school-funding-abbott-v-burke-construction-poorest-districts-sda-david-sciarra-murphy-sweeney-eda/">feet</a> on remedies, leading to even more protracted court battles. As of 2019, as tallied in the book <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Federal-Right-Education-Fundamental-Questions/dp/1479893285"><em>A Federal Right to Education</em></a>, plaintiffs prevailed in school funding lawsuits in a state’s highest court in 23 states and lost in 20 states.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="IYdYGn">
A new school funding lawsuit, first filed in 2014,<strong> </strong>will soon be decided in Pennsylvania. The outcome matters not only for families in Pennsylvania but for school advocates nationwide who are trying to decide if these cases still make sense for them to pursue. While the lawsuits tend to be highly state-specific, some legal experts say that judges have <a href="https://columbialawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/Koski_Beyond-Dollars-The-Promises-And-Pitfalls-Of-The-Next-Generation-Of-Educational-Rights-Litigation.pdf">signaled something of a retreat</a> in enthusiasm for intervening in public school finance over the last decade, though there are enough counter-examples (like in <a href="https://www.the74million.org/article/kansas-rules-school-funding-system-unconstitutional-again/">Kansas</a> and <a href="https://www.nmlegis.gov/handouts/ALESC%20081518%20Item%2012%20.1%20-%20Brief%20-%20Decision%20and%20Order-Yazzie%20and%20Martinez%20v%20State%20of%20NM.pdf">New Mexico</a>) that it can be hard to draw firm conclusions.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="goUCzq">
“Pennsylvania will be a real bellwether on future cases,” said William Koski, a Stanford professor who focuses on education law and policy. “It’s why it’s being so closely watched by folks around the country.”
</p>
<h3 id="ItpnNL">
Even the defense concedes more money would help Pennsylvania students
</h3>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="A0iiUg">
One of the key ways states can mitigate school inequity is by distributing more money — reducing reliance on local property taxes to drive dollars into classrooms. But Pennsylvania ranks 45th in the nation for its state share of funding for K-12 education, picking up 38 percent of the costs to educate kids compared to a national average of 47 percent. “Pennsylvania has long been <a href="https://www.air.org/resource/report/educational-equity-adequacy-and-equal-opportunity-commonwealth-evaluation">one of the most inequitable</a> states in the country,” said Bruce Baker, a Rutgers University professor specializing in education finance.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="inrlBh">
“Taxable wealth varies dramatically among school districts,” Katrina Robson, an attorney for the plaintiffs, <a href="https://philadelphia.chalkbeat.org/2021/11/12/22779107/inequities-devastating-the-lives-of-children-fair-school-funding-trial-begins-in-pennsylvania">explained in court</a>. “The small rural Shenandoah Valley district, one of the plaintiffs, has the highest local tax rate in the state and can only raise $4,000 per student. New Hope-Solebury in Bucks County, by contrast, has a much lower tax rate and can raise $21,000 per student.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="JbLek0">
Matthew Kelly, an education professor at Penn State University, testified that his analysis showed the wealthiest school districts in Pennsylvania spend $4,800 more per student than the state’s poorer districts, and school districts would need an additional $4.6 billion to meet a target for adequate funding set by the state.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="2EEpO3">
In practical terms, funding disparities can lead to situations like some kindergartners only getting <a href="https://www.inquirer.com/news/pennsylvania-school-funding-trial-testimony-20211226.html">15 minutes of recess per day</a> because a school can’t afford more staffing.<strong> </strong>Nonwhite students from low-wealth districts are nearly twice as likely to be taught by inexperienced teachers.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="nDBwdz">
Defendants argued that even if disparities exist across Pennsylvania, students still receive more on average than children in other states, as Pennsylvania ranks near the top nationally in per-pupil spending. “The narrative that Pennsylvania drastically underfunds education is simply not accurate,” <a href="https://www.pottsmerc.com/2021/11/12/lawsuit-over-pa-school-funding-disparities-opens/">said</a> a lawyer for House Speaker Bryan Cutler in court.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="kfRtyE">
The lawyer also pushed back on the idea that a judge should intervene in education policy decisions. “You cannot conflate things that are nice to have with what the Constitution requires,” he <a href="https://philadelphia.chalkbeat.org/2021/11/12/22779107/inequities-devastating-the-lives-of-children-fair-school-funding-trial-begins-in-pennsylvania">argued</a>. “Not funding a weight room is not unconstitutional.” In other instances, the defendants criticized the way the petitioner school districts spent the funds they did have, like on iPads instead of on cheaper Chromebooks.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="8ih5AZ">
In one of the most staggering but revealing parts of the trial, lawyers for the defense questioned why a school district needed to provide high-quality course offerings to all of its students anyway. “What use would a carpenter have for biology?” a defense lawyer asked. “What use would someone on the McDonald’s career track have for Algebra 1?”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="cVE8Et">
The plaintiffs feel the four-month trial, which ran between November and March, went well, with even the defense’s key expert witnesses <a href="https://www.fundourschoolspa.org/news/final-respondents-witness-discusses-money-matters-dr-eric-hanushek-testifies-feb-17">conceding</a> that increases in spending can help students.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="SoGxz1">
Eric Hanushek, a Stanford economist, has long argued that increased spending <a href="http://hanushek.stanford.edu/sites/default/files/publications/Hanushek%201997%20EduEvaPolAna%2019%282%29.pdf">does not necessarily lead to improved benefits for kids</a>, though his claims have largely rested on decades-old studies with crude methodologies. Hanushek mostly dismisses the more empirically rigorous research that has emerged in the 21st century, so much so that Baker calls Hanushek “education’s <a href="https://schoolfinance101.wordpress.com/2015/08/13/educations-merchant-of-doubt-the-plight-of-state-school-finance-systems/">merchant of doubt</a>.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="aIo2WY">
“I believe that money can matter,” Hanushek said in the trial. “It probably, at times, matters. The problem is that we don’t know when it’s going to matter.” He acknowledged that if districts “use our resources well” they can successfully educate low-income students.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="cCNhmt">
A decision in the trial could come later this fall.
</p>
<h3 id="iERUYr">
These cases turn largely on local political conditions and individual judges
</h3>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="t6AsSV">
Education historians analyze the history of school funding lawsuits in three waves. The first wave of litigation was relatively short — from 1971 through 1973 — and hinged on the 14th Amendment’s equal protection clause. Lawyers successfully made this argument in two federal district courts and in California’s Supreme Court, but the US Supreme Court rejected it in its <em>San Antonio Independent District v.</em> <em>Rodriguez </em>decision.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="HU5u8r">
So lawyers and advocates pivoted. In the second wave of lawsuits, from 1973 to 1989, they made arguments that school spending systems were unconstitutionally inequitable, and relied heavily on state education provisions to make their case. This wasn’t the most successful era, with plaintiffs winning in <a href="https://columbialawreview.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/11/Koski_Beyond-Dollars-The-Promises-And-Pitfalls-Of-The-Next-Generation-Of-Educational-Rights-Litigation.pdf">only seven out of 22</a> final decisions. Though of those states where plaintiffs did win, according to Koski, per-pupil spending did become more equal across school districts and more targeted to less-wealthy areas.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="cvBDnh">
The third wave began with Kentucky’s Supreme Court decision in 1989 and continues through today. Rather than arguing for “equitable” or “equal”<em> </em>education, advocates have found success arguing that state constitutions guarantee all students an adequate<em> </em>level of education. Framing arguments around minimum levels of “adequacy,” lawyers have found, appeals to political values around ensuring opportunity and seems to offer more deference to those sympathetic to local control arguments. There’s no doubt that politics play a significant role in the success or failure of these trials.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="ukR658">
“These cases are all political,” Koski said. “Politics matters more than constitutional language.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="60A0VF">
It should be noted, though, that simply winning a case does not mean the actual remedy will be good or will not lead to new problems.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="WlOExQ">
In Washington state, plaintiffs won <a href="https://www.courts.wa.gov/appellate_trial_courts/SupremeCourt/?fa=supremecourt.McCleary_Education">their state school funding lawsuit</a> in 2012, with the state Supreme Court ruling the legislature had failed to meet its constitutional duty for the state’s 1.1 million students. After initial resistance, this <em>McCleary </em>decision eventually prompted Washington lawmakers to increase funding for public schools by a whopping $7 billion in new dollars over the last decade. However, the <em>McCleary </em>decision also massively expanded funding gaps between wealthy and poor school districts in the state that didn’t exist before, driven by a flawed funding formula lawmakers used to distribute the new aid.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="LqrpZR">
“Everyone did get more money, but the wealthiest districts got the most,” said Knight of the University of Washington. “One takeaway for Pennsylvania is you’ve got to take your time to get the remedy right, you can’t just rush that part.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="GdHqxU">
In Pennsylvania, advocates have been working to mobilize political pressure on their elected officials in anticipation of a final court ruling. Susan Spicka, executive director of the statewide advocacy group Education Voters of PA, said they’ve always viewed the lawsuit as “one piece of the toolkit” to fix public schools, and are clear that the path ultimately lies with the legislature in Harrisburg.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="agIDTi">
“The school funding lawsuit is just really helpful to get people to understand who is failing who, because a lot of people will blame their school board or think it’s all on the local level,” she said. “With the lawsuit we can say that in most cases your local school district, that’s already raising taxes, is doing the best it can, but the state is failing on its end.”
</p>
<h3 id="I5Wu9h">
Looking ahead at future cases
</h3>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="DlDgDK">
The lawsuits can be slogs. New Mexico is a state where advocates found success in court but are still struggling with lawmakers to enforce their ruling. “The legislature did take some steps but three years later there’s still a lot to be done,” said Ernest Herrera, a Mexican American Legal Defense and Educational Fund attorney representing the plaintiffs. “Where we’re at is enforcing our judgment, doing discovery, conducting depositions to find how far the state has come and what is still left.” Herrera, who co-filed the case in 2014, acknowledged “it’s been a long battle.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="RiOVwx">
Even though they can be arduous, it’s hard to imagine the cases will disappear, given how widespread school inequity is nationwide and how strong the research is suggesting increased school funding helps kids.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="HMIojD">
A <a href="https://www.usccr.gov/pubs/2018/2018-01-10-Education-Inequity.pdf">2018 report</a> released by the US Commission on Civil Rights detailed the persistent school funding inequities that remain between high-poverty and low-poverty districts. “Low-income students and students of color are often relegated to low-quality school facilities that lack equitable access to teachers, instructional materials, technology and technology support, critical facilities, and physical maintenance,” the federal report said. The cases are one of the only strategies that have proven, however imperfectly, to drive billions more in new funding to low-income students.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="PNzoCD">
New state cases continue to be filed and litigated. In 2019, the ACLU of Maryland and the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund <a href="https://www.naacpldf.org/case-issue/bradford-v-maryland-board-of-education/">went to court</a> to reopen a landmark school funding case from 1994. Maryland tried to dismiss the plaintiffs but the Circuit Court for Baltimore City <a href="https://www.aclu-md.org/en/press-releases/statement-todays-latest-victory-bradford-case-championing-state-constitutional-right?ms_aff=MD&amp;initms_aff=MD&amp;ms=200121_BradfordOpinion_&amp;initms=200121_BradfordOpinion_&amp;ms_chan=web&amp;initms_chan=web">ruled in 2020</a> that the complaint could continue. In Washington state, education advocates filed a new school equity lawsuit last December, <a href="https://www.usnews.com/news/best-states/washington/articles/2021-12-30/washington-school-district-sues-state-over-building-funding#:~:text=A%20decade%20ago%2C%20the%20Washington,duty%20to%20fund%20basic%20education.&amp;text=%7C-,Dec.,2021%2C%20at%208%3A39%20a.m">taking on inequitable school buildings</a>, an angle that the earlier <em>McCleary </em>case didn’t focus on. While there have been a few attempts to file new federal school lawsuits in recent years, those cases <a href="https://detroit.chalkbeat.org/2020/6/10/21287272/detroit-lawsuit-ends-without-right-read-precedent">haven’t proved successful</a> <a href="https://www.jdsupra.com/legalnews/connecticut-federal-district-court-76350/">so far,</a> and advocates say the current composition of the US Supreme Court doesn’t bode well for any new revisitation of <em>Rodriguez.</em>
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="8m9xEC">
“The position I would focus on now is less about overturning <em>Rodriguez</em> and more about seeking the recognition of a federal right that would protect some form of an adequate education for all children, that would prepare students to be effective and engaged citizens and be college- and career-ready,” said Kimberly Robinson, a University of Virginia law professor specializing in education and public policy. “That said, while yes, I think this adequacy argument is the better one, I still don’t think this current Court with a 6-3 conservative majority would accept it.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="YS2ced">
So bumpy state litigation will likely remain. Even if the plaintiffs win in Pennsylvania later this year, the case could be appealed to the state’s high court. Spicka, of Education Voters PA, said they’re prepared for the long fight, and cited the hundreds of people who turned out to rally in support during the four-month trial.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="JlUvLJ">
“State lawmakers always pit communities against each other, and this lawsuit was just soul-filling to see rural and urban communities come together to say: Harrisburg, we need you to fund our schools,” she said. “We had immigrants and communities of color standing side by side with rural whites, and there were just no school funding hunger games.”
</p></li>
<li><strong>The battleground House and Senate races where the end of Roe could have the biggest impact</strong> -
<figure>
<img alt="A white woman with pink hair holds a sign reading “Rise up 4 abortion rights.” She stands in the California sunshine, in front of a structure made up of stone arches and topped by US flags." src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/EuzfMgl46twmkD--Zaa9vScDu2w=/599x0:5394x3596/1310x983/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_image/image/71092213/1241756602.0.jpg"/>
<figcaption>
A pro-choice protester on the steps of City Hall following the overturning of <em>Roe v. Wade</em> on July 6, 2022, in downtown Los Angeles.  | Wesley Lapointe/Los Angeles Times/Getty Images
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
The Supreme Court’s decision could help Democrats in 17 tight midterm contests.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="iKLaLV">
In the wake of the <a href="https://www.vox.com/23055298/supreme-court-roe-abortion-rights">Supreme Court decision overturning <em>Roe v. Wade</em></a>, Democrats have repeatedly proposed the same solution: <a href="https://www.vox.com/23191950/democrats-abortion-rights-biden-roe-wade-dobbs">voting in the midterms</a>.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="tL9l7K">
“If you want to change the circumstances for women and … girls in this country, please go out and vote,” President Joe Biden <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/07/08/biden-outline-new-steps-aimed-bolstering-abortion-rights/">emphasized in a speech on Friday</a>. “For God’s sake, there’s an election in November.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="5HMYkY">
As Democrats stare down the typical <a href="https://www.vox.com/22899204/midterm-elections-president-biden-thermostatic-opinion">backlash the president’s party experiences in the midterms</a>, they hope <a href="https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/23191816/abortion-ballot-measures-california-vermont-kentucky-kansas-montana">abortion rights</a> will energize voters in key battleground states and districts and combat this dynamic, helping them keep <a href="https://www.vox.com/22899204/midterm-elections-president-biden-thermostatic-opinion">their majorities in the House</a> and <a href="https://www.vox.com/2021/10/18/22724808/democrats-senate-disadvantage-shor-klein">Senate</a>.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="kr1Stl">
Whether it does remains to be seen: There are still several months before the midterm elections, and voters are focused on a number of issues, including the economy. According to <a href="https://docs.cdn.yougov.com/g0hxil9opn/20220624_yahoo_tabs.pdf">multiple polls</a> <a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/meet-the-press/meetthepressblog/economic-issues-dominate-top-issue-voters-new-poll-shows-rcna36715">conducted</a> in June and July, inflation remains a top issue for many voters, though abortion rights is highly ranked as well. Giving Democratic lawmakers hope, too, are <a href="https://thehill.com/homenews/3537982-democrats-more-likely-to-vote-in-midterms-after-abortion-ruling-poll/">other</a> <a href="https://www.kff.org/womens-health-policy/press-release/majority-of-voters-say-overturning-roe-wont-impact-the-likelihood-of-them-voting-in-midterm-elections-but-1-in-5-of-voters-and-1-in-4-younger-women-voters-say-it-will-motivate-them-more-and/">surveys</a> that have found Democrats are more likely to say they’ll vote in the midterms because of abortion rights compared to Republicans.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="gwU20D">
It’s worth noting that most of these surveys were national, and that abortion rights could have a bigger impact at the regional level, particularly in states where abortion rights are actively being threatened or restricted. When it comes to congressional races, the issue is likely to have the largest effect in swing Senate and House seats where candidates are in extremely tight contests — races in which even small shifts in turnout and enthusiasm could make the difference.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="udOLhr">
Here are 17 of the House and Senate races where <a href="https://www.vox.com/23184192/democrats-abortion-roe-dobbs-strategy-vote-midterms-crisis">abortion rights could be a major factor</a>.
</p>
<h3 id="EqS3QJ">
House of Representatives
</h3>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="j2uLYh">
On the House side, abortion rights will likely affect races in a number of battleground districts including blue-leaning districts where Democratic incumbents are defending their seats, <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2022/06/26/republicans-biden-abortion-roe-00042371">Republican ones</a> that Biden would have won in 2020, and hotly contested open seats that are considered toss-ups.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="cKpqzC">
There are dozens of races like that, including the nine following contests, which are among the starkest illustrations of the dynamics playing out across the country. (<a href="https://projects.fivethirtyeight.com/redistricting-2022-maps/">Partisan ratings for each district</a> are from FiveThirtyEight’s redistricting tracker.)
</p>
<h4 id="wZW99N">
Democrat-held suburban districts
</h4>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="67YXbv">
<strong>VA-7 (D +2): </strong>Abortion rights became a central issue in Rep. Abigail Spanberger’s northern Virginia battleground district shortly after <em>Roe</em> was overturned when audio emerged of her GOP opponent Yesli Vega suggesting that people who are raped may be <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/dc-md-va/2022/06/27/yesli-vega-abortion-rape/">less likely to get pregnant</a>.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="UgIBuT">
Spanberger denounced these comments and emphasized her support for “a woman’s right to choose and the fundamental right to privacy.” <a href="https://bluevirginia.us/2022/07/dccc-launches-new-billboard-on-yesli-vegas-comments-doubting-women-get-pregnant-from-rape">The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC)</a>, House Democrats’ campaign arm, has also launched advertising in the district that calls out Vega’s remarks, while other regional Democrats have described the statements as disqualifying. Previously, Vega called the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn <em>Roe v. Wade</em> an <a href="https://twitter.com/yestoyesli/status/1521300110000500736">“amazing victory.”</a>
</p>
<figure class="e-image">
<img alt="Vega, in a powder blue double breasted suit and a bold red lipstick, smiles broadly under a spotlight as her husband, in a brown suit, smiles and holds her hand." src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/N8rWq9M2nA7I6Dxv_84fmymcfw0=/800x0/filters:no_upscale()/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_asset/file/23755654/GettyImages_1241445904.jpg"/> <cite>Nathan Howard/Getty Images</cite>
<figcaption>
Yesli Vega and her husband, Rene Vega, celebrate her GOP primary win for the Seventh Congressional District on June 21, 2022.
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="3FwwVg">
Spanberger’s district — which is more favorable to Democrats than it was in 2020 as a result of redistricting — is one of several Virginia swing districts the party flipped in 2018, where Democrats hope a focus on abortion rights will motivate voters. Virginia’s Second District, which is currently represented by Rep. Elaine Luria and which leans more heavily Republican after redistricting, is another.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="v1KyfE">
<strong>NV-3 (D +2): </strong>Nevada’s Third District is among the <a href="https://www.reviewjournal.com/news/politics-and-government/republicans-target-southern-nevada-to-flip-congress-2594218/">top Republican targets this cycle</a>. As part of her campaign, incumbent Rep. Susie Lee has emphasized her support for abortion rights in recent weeks. <a href="https://thenevadaindependent.com/article/susie-lee-launches-500000-ad-campaign-polling-behind-republican-opponent-becker">Polling has shown</a> Lee, and Republican opponent April Becker, in an extremely close race in the Democrat-leaning swing district, which contains several Las Vegas suburbs.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="4EOAdr">
Following the Supreme Court’s announcement of the <em>Dobbs </em>decision, Lee made a $500,000 television and digital ad buy accusing Becker as focused on “making all abortion illegal.” Becker has said she favors a ban on abortion except in the cases of rape, incest, and threats to the mother’s health.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="K5dsoa">
Lee is also campaigning on the message that electing Democrats like her would help block Republicans from attempting to implement a national abortion ban, a policy some <a href="https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2022/6/25/23182779/nationwide-abortion-ban-roe-republicans">GOP leaders have suggested they’d advocate for</a> once in control of Congress.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="NYRNve">
<strong>KS-03 (R +3):</strong> Rep. Sharice Davids is defending a seat that’s become more conservative after redistricting, <a href="https://www.kansascity.com/news/politics-government/article262956568.html">and she’s made her opposition</a> to both the Supreme Court decision and a state-level amendment to curtail abortion rights well-known.
</p>
<figure class="e-image">
<img alt="Davis, black haired, with curly silver earrings and wearing a white dress shirt and black blazers, seems to speak passionately, her head tilted up. Hoyer, white haired in a grey suit, stands behind her." src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/SOSzJ8_2YXyhuRY-C4dWXYR6Js4=/800x0/filters:no_upscale()/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_asset/file/23755662/GettyImages_1241480466.jpg"/> <cite>Tom Williams/CQ-Roll Call, Inc./Getty Images</cite>
<figcaption>
Rep. Sharice Davids speaks with House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer about supply chain and infrastructure in June 2022.
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="i33PVU">
After the Supreme Court decision, <a href="https://www.kansascity.com/news/politics-government/article262956568.html">Davids was among the lawmakers</a> mobilizing people to knock on doors and vote against the <a href="https://www.kansascity.com/news/politics-government/article263247473.html">amendment to Kansas’s constitution</a>, which would “affirm there is no Kansas constitutional right to abortion.” The measure is up for a vote on August 2.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="HhJwBz">
Davids’s opponent will also be selected on August 2 and is likely to be businesswoman Amanda Adkins, who identifies as pro-life and a supporter of the constitutional amendment. Davids’s district includes part of Kansas City and its suburbs, and is one of the places where protecting abortion rights could be especially relevant depending on the outcome of the amendment vote.
</p>
<h4 id="BsIzuV">
Vulnerable Republican incumbents in Biden districts
</h4>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="BFKvhZ">
<strong>OH-1 (D +3): </strong>Rep. Steve Chabot is among the Republican incumbents now facing serious scrutiny for past stances on abortion rights. Chabot, <a href="https://thehill.com/regulation/court-battles/565446-228-republican-lawmakers-urge-supreme-court-to-overrule-roe-v-wade/">along with many House Republicans</a>, signed an amicus brief calling for the Supreme Court to overturn <em>Roe v. Wade</em>, and co-sponsored anti-abortion legislation like the Heartbeat Protection Act, which would have enabled law enforcement to arrest doctors who perform abortions.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="Tre1vq">
Chabot’s opponent, Cincinnati City Council member Greg Landsman, highlighted this contrast while backing a recent measure that allows city employees’ health insurance to cover the cost of an abortion.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="DusR0i">
Because Chabot is running in a district that <a href="https://rollcall.com/2022/05/02/new-ohio-map-leaves-chabot-kaptur-facing-tough-races-this-fall/">President Joe Biden would have won</a>, he is viewed as one of the more vulnerable Republican candidates this cycle. Overall, redistricting has made this district — which now includes all of Cincinnati — more blue. Democrats hope those factors, plus the end of <em>Roe</em>, will help them flip OH-01.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="pMyP3U">
<strong>CA-27 (D +8):</strong> Rep. Mike Garcia also faces a tough reelection fight in California’s 27th District, which leans slightly more Democratic than his old one. Garcia supported the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn <em>Roe</em> and backed legislation like the Life at Conception Act, which bars all abortions.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="5EhJwI">
Garcia is also running in a district that Biden won in 2020 and will be up against Democrat Christy Smith this fall for the third time. Smith has emphasized her support for abortion rights and joined recent protests of the Supreme Court’s decision.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="YcdtZg">
Another southern California Republican, Rep. David Valadao, who also represents a district Biden previously won, is expected to encounter similar dynamics in his race this fall.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="3y3zKx">
<strong>MI-03 (D +3): </strong>Rep. Peter Meijer, an anti-abortion Republican, is running in a district that is now more of a toss-up following <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2022/03/21/midterm-election-redistricting-biden-trump-house-00018600">redistricting</a>.
</p>
<figure class="e-image">
<img alt="Meyer, redheaded in a blue crushed velvet blazer, white shirt, and blue tie, speaks into a microphone. The columns of the Capitol shine white in the sunlight behind him." src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/XXSRqK5BPPE1ZDyRx_AxgjXEIs8=/800x0/filters:no_upscale()/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_asset/file/23755641/GettyImages_1233612111.jpg"/> <cite>Bill Clark/CQ-Roll Call, Inc./Getty Images</cite>
<figcaption>
Rep. Peter Meijer speaks at the Capitol with the Republican Climate Caucus in June 2021.
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="4ReGJQ">
He joined House Republicans in signing the amicus brief supporting the overturn of <em>Roe v. Wade </em>and has voted against the Women’s Health Protection Act on the House floor. Meijer still needs to win his primary against the more conservative John Gibbs in August; Gibbs has called the Supreme Court’s decision on <em>Roe</em> “great news” for women.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="AbwEfO">
Hillary Scholten, the expected Democratic opponent, has said she would back codifying <em>Roe</em> if elected. “This is a choice for women to make in conjunction with their families, their doctor, their own religious preferences and not for unattached politicians to be making in Washington or Lansing,” <a href="https://www.detroitnews.com/story/news/local/michigan/2022/05/25/abortion-michigan-swing-races-us-house-roe-v-wade-rape-incest-life-of-mother/9853004002/">Scholten told the Detroit News</a>.
</p>
<h4 id="yVLXSw">
Contested open seats
</h4>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="ZqNbkb">
<strong>NY-19 (R +1): </strong>A special election in New York’s 19th District this August could offer an early look at the impact that abortion rights could have on races across the country. The August 23 special election for Antonio Delgado’s seat, a battleground district that leans slightly Republican, is set to reveal just how energized Democratic voters are.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="cSg7ZD">
Ulster County official and Democrat Pat Ryan has already committed to “nationalize this race” and released a television ad <a href="https://twitter.com/PatRyanUC/status/1540349018647183362?s=20&amp;t=lQ3y7Mt1iUkX3rSfSzWkmg">on defending abortion rights.</a> Republican candidate Marc Molinaro has said he would support strengthening laws that <a href="https://nypost.com/2018/10/31/molinaro-id-support-strengthening-laws-protecting-abortion/">protect abortion rights</a> when running for the New York governor’s seat in the past; he has balked at backing the Reproductive Health Act, a state bill that would have expanded abortion rights, however.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="tfhCTK">
<strong>PA-17 (D +1): </strong>Due to Rep. Conor Lamb’s decision not to run for reelection in the district, Democrat and voting rights attorney Chris Deluzio is vying for this seat against Republican and small-business owner Jeremy Shaffer, an anti-abortion Republican. Shaffer has previously supported a federal constitutional amendment that would bar the right to an abortion, though he has not backed other federal legislation.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="1PMY6X">
“The contrast is obvious. He’s an extremist on abortion,” Deluzio said in an interview <a href="https://www.cbsnews.com/pittsburgh/news/abortion-rights-heats-up-two-local-congressional-races/">with Pittsburgh local news affiliate KDKA</a>.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="MjEywr">
Pennsylvania’s 17th District, which includes suburbs of Pittsburgh, has shifted slightly more blue after redistricting, giving Democrats a narrow edge in the region, one a focus on abortion rights could increase. Deluzio has said he believes that women across the ideological spectrum are “fired up” and ready to vote in defense of abortion rights.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="OBOrr5">
<strong>CO-08 (R +3): </strong>Colorado’s Eighth District will see a contest between conservative state Sen. Barbara Kirkmeyer, <a href="https://www.cpr.org/2022/06/24/colorado-2022-elections-supreme-court-abortion-ruling-candidates-react/">who has celebrated the <em>Dobbs </em>decision</a>, and Democratic state legislator and physician Yadira Caraveo, who has supported Gov. Jared Polis’s efforts to protect abortion access in the state.
</p>
<figure class="e-image">
<img alt="Kirkmeyer, in a grey suit jacket with white piping, sits between a man in a red polo and a woman in a black turtleneck. She appears to be speaking to a man in the foreground of the phot who is wearing a large orange cowboy hat." src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/vvA-vnkGJQcjV67zBXFTiVPNMmU=/800x0/filters:no_upscale()/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_asset/file/23755664/GettyImages_1240932631.jpg"/> <cite>Hyoung Chang/MediaNews Group/The Denver Post/Getty Images</cite>
<figcaption>
State Sen. Barbara Kirkmeyer speaks with farmers at a May 2022 campaign stop in Greeley, Colorado.
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="uBHXIU">
“As a doctor, I am appalled that GOP politicians in Republican-led states are limiting women’s freedom to choose and providers’ ability to provide care,” Caraveo said in a statement. Kirkmeyer, meanwhile, described the Supreme Court’s decision to overturn <em>Roe </em>as an “exciting day.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="5Zr4Qb">
The district, which leans slightly Republican, is a purple battleground.
</p>
<h3 id="9UPgFB">
The Senate
</h3>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="HAiikd">
Democratic Senate candidates are trying to put abortion rights front and center in the months before the midterms. Republicans, meanwhile, are tiptoeing around the issue and largely refrain from acknowledging the role they could have in further restricting abortion rights if elected, suggesting concern over being hurt politically on the issue: At the moment, a majority of American voters <a href="https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/23167397/abortion-public-opinion-polls-americans">don’t support outlawing abortion entirely</a>. Instead of abortion, Republicans have worked to shift the conversation to issues like the economy and gas prices, where they might have more of an edge over Democrats.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="x6HLW2">
Though abortion rights are on the ballot across the country, the Supreme Court’s decision might tip the scales in close contests and in purple states, potentially helping Democrats reinvigorate campaigns that were struggling against the headwinds of an unpopular president and inflation and mitigate a predicted red wave.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="Z5AExK">
<strong>Wisconsin:</strong> Incumbent Republican Sen. Ron Johnson has been a vocal opponent of abortion rights, and four Democrats — Lt. Gov. Mandela Barnes, Milwaukee Bucks executive Alex Lasry, state Treasurer Sarah Godlewski, and Outagamie County Executive Tom Nelson — are competing for the opportunity to challenge him in the August 9 primaries. Johnson has suggested that people who don’t like the state’s abortion laws <a href="https://www.vanityfair.com/news/2022/06/democrats-see-ron-johnsons-abortion-record-as-their-path-to-victory">can move</a> and has supported a <a href="https://www.vanityfair.com/news/2022/06/democrats-see-ron-johnsons-abortion-record-as-their-path-to-victory">federal abortion ban</a> after 20 weeks of pregnancy. The Democratic candidates all <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2022/07/01/wisconsin-primary-roe-v-wade-00043605">oppose any kind of restrictions</a> on abortion.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="XFIV4K">
Defeating Johnson might improve Democrats’ chances of getting the 50 votes they would need in the Senate to carve out an exception to the filibuster and codify <em>Roe</em>, though they would still need to keep the House to make that happen. Johnson’s opposition to abortion was under Democratic attack even before the Supreme Court’s decision, which has now led to the suspension of abortion services in the state.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="bRied5">
<strong>Ohio:</strong> Though Democratic Rep. Tim Ryan was once anti-abortion, he <a href="https://thehill.com/blogs/blog-briefing-room/news/450234-tim-ryan-defends-shift-from-pro-life-to-pro-choice-progressive/">changed his position</a> in 2015 after listening to the stories of women who sought abortions. Now the Democratic nominee for the centrist state’s open Senate seat is calling state Republicans’ revival of a previously blocked 2019 state law that banned abortions after about six weeks “<a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/06/26/democrats-republicans-midterms-abortion-/">extremism</a>.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="r6Ap0B">
He’s trying to frame the overturning of <em>Roe</em> in the context of his core campaign promises: “We built a campaign around issues like freedom, economic freedom, good middle class jobs and wages, and making sure we rebuild the middle class. This is an issue of freedom as well,” he told the <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/06/26/democrats-republicans-midterms-abortion-/">Washington Post</a>.
</p>
<figure class="e-image">
<img alt="Ryan, grey haired in a navy button shirt, sits at a crowded table covered in coffee flasks and the carby remnants of breakfast; a diverse group of entrepreneurs listens intently to what he’s saying. " src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/qYmHt1hj6ZtM1bDNfut8gqZAU64=/800x0/filters:no_upscale()/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_asset/file/23755628/GettyImages_1241782593.jpg"/> <cite>Matthew Hatcher/Bloomberg.Getty Images</cite>
<figcaption>
Tim Ryan speaks with local business owners at a July 2022 campaign stop in Toledo, Ohio.
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="sGg87l">
His opponent, Trump-endorsed <em>Hillbilly Elegy </em>author J.D. Vance, has praised the Supreme Court decision and hailed a “<a href="https://19thnews.org/2022/07/gop-republican-senate-candidates-quiet-abortion/">new phase of the pro-life movement</a>” in the US. But he’s not making the decision a focal point of his campaign, redirecting to issues like rising fuel costs.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="Bo5g12">
<strong>Nevada:</strong> Incumbent Democratic Sen. Catherine Cortez Masto has been very explicit about the stakes of the race for reproductive rights, <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/nevada-senator-focuses-on-abortion-in-critical-november-race/2022/07/07/4b8c3466-fe69-11ec-b39d-71309168014b_story.html">saying</a> that keeping her seat is key to “protecting our rights in this country” and “preventing a federal abortion ban.” For now, abortion is protected in Nevada, a socially liberal state, until 24 weeks of pregnancy under a 1990 referendum that she supported. She has also introduced legislation that would help protect the privacy of people who receive reproductive health care.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="5uI4Gi">
Former state Attorney General Adam Laxalt, the Republican Senate nominee, supported the Supreme Court’s decision and said that <a href="https://thenevadaindependent.com/article/laxalt-calls-1973-roe-v-wade-decision-a-joke-bemoans-nevadas-abortion-protections?te=1&amp;nl=the-morning&amp;emc=edit_nn_20220705">“<em>Roe v. Wade</em> was always a joke.”</a> But he’s also trying to avoid the subject of abortion, which he <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/nevada-senator-focuses-on-abortion-in-critical-november-race/2022/07/07/4b8c3466-fe69-11ec-b39d-71309168014b_story.html">told the Associated Press</a> won’t “distract voters from unaffordable prices, rising crime or the border crisis.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="1aSM4F">
<strong>Georgia: </strong>Abortion was a <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2022/05/11/us/politics/georgia-senate-race-abortion.html">central issue in Georgia’s Senate race</a> before the Supreme Court ruled, with Republicans attacking incumbent Sen. Raphael Warnock over his support of abortion rights and Democrats firing back against vehemently anti-abortion GOP nominee Herschel Walker. Warnock, a pastor and arguably the most vulnerable Democrat in the Senate, has <a href="https://www.axios.com/local/atlanta/2022/06/28/georgia-2022-candidates-abortion-stance">said</a> that the decision to get an abortion should be made by pregnant people and their doctors.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="D9TKKY">
Walker, on the other hand, has opposed abortion even in cases of rape or incest or where the mother’s life is at risk. “There’s no exception in my mind,” Walker said in June, <a href="https://thehill.com/news/campaign/3495657-herschel-walker-says-he-wants-total-ban-on-abortion-theres-no-exception-in-my-mind/">The Hill</a> reported. “Like I say, I believe in life. I believe in life.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="DTMtvW">
<strong>Pennsylvania: </strong>The perennial battleground state of Pennsylvania presents one of Senate Democrats’ <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2022/05/01/politics/senate-race-rankings-may-elections/index.html">best chances at a pickup</a> given that incumbent Republican Sen. Pat Toomey is retiring. Lt. Gov. John Fetterman, the Democratic nominee, has said that he would eliminate the filibuster and codify abortion rights and that he <a href="https://www.nationalreview.com/corner/pennsylvania-democratic-senate-candidates-oppose-any-limit-on-abortion-before-birth/">opposes any restrictions on abortion</a>. “This has been settled for 50 years and is just plain common-sense,” he said in a <a href="https://www.cityandstatepa.com/politics/2022/07/fetterman-and-oz-tout-support-abortion-debate-ramps/368900/">statement after the decision</a>.
</p>
<figure class="e-image">
<img alt="Fetterman, in a maroon hoodie and grey basketball shorts, takes a knee to fit into the frame with a young child in a neon yellow shirt and blue shorts and his guardian, a blonde woman in a blue blouse and black pants. They trio is indoors; there’s a podium with Fetterman written on it in the background." src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/QiVukEmcadhCS8-4iMaetQx99os=/800x0/filters:no_upscale()/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_asset/file/23755632/GettyImages_1396560410.jpg"/> <cite>Michael M. Santiago/Getty Images</cite>
<figcaption>
Lt. Gov. John Fetterman poses with supporters at a May 2022 campaign stop in Lemont Furnace, Pennsylvania.
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="JFiekW">
Trump-backed candidate Mehmet Oz, the GOP nominee, initially celebrated the leak of the draft decision by saying that he would support legislation that advanced the interests of the anti-abortion movement. But he <a href="https://19thnews.org/2022/07/gop-republican-senate-candidates-quiet-abortion/">backtracked</a> after the actual decision, saying in a statement that he respected people “with a different view” and recognized that it was a controversial topic. During the primary, his GOP opponents attacked him for having <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2022/07/07/dr-oz-gop-pennsylvania-senate-00044483">insufficiently conservative views</a> on abortion and other Republican priorities.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="tocfvv">
<strong>North Carolina: </strong>Democrat and former North Carolina Supreme Court Chief Justice Cheri Beasley, who’s running for retiring Republican Sen. Richard Burr’s seat, has been sounding the alarm on abortion rights since the draft version of the Supreme Court’s decision was leaked to Politico in May. She says the Senate should act to codify abortion rights, but has stopped short of embracing proposals to pack the Supreme Court.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="RMslB2">
Her opponent, Republican Rep. Ted Budd, who has been endorsed by Trump, has been comparatively reluctant to talk about the issue. He praised the Supreme Court decision for <a href="https://www.wral.com/nc-senate-candidates-emphasize-abortion-differences/20346309/">returning power to the states</a> but has indicated that he wouldn’t support a <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/05/15/beasley-budd-abortion-trump/">nationwide ban on abortion</a>.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="ETJLFL">
North Carolina has become a critical abortion safe haven in the South, with Democratic Gov. Roy Cooper <a href="https://www.newsobserver.com/news/politics-government/article263196033.html">signing an executive order </a>this week aimed at protecting access in the state, even for out-of-state travelers.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="bhatKz">
<strong>New Hampshire:</strong> The New Hampshire primaries aren’t until September 13, but the five Republican frontrunners in the Senate race have indicated when pressed at a debate last month that they <a href="https://apnews.com/article/abortion-2022-midterm-elections-new-hampshire-congress-d497a8207e5368cb31237e99d6c9a8fc">wouldn’t support</a> a nationwide abortion ban.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="bvHUEN">
Incumbent Democratic Sen. Maggie Hassan, who is facing a tough reelection campaign, has suggested that voters shouldn’t take them at their word: “My opponents have made themselves very, very clear: if elected, they would work to eviscerate a woman’s fundamental rights. In the world’s greatest democracy, they would make women second class citizens,” she <a href="https://apnews.com/article/abortion-2022-midterm-elections-new-hampshire-congress-d497a8207e5368cb31237e99d6c9a8fc">told reporters</a> after the Supreme Court decision came down.
</p>
<figure class="e-image">
<img alt="Hassan, in a navy velvet blazer, a navy crew neck shirt, and black pearls speaks into a microphone while sitting at a polished wood bench." src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/RILMyfhn1lwcriTRX38X0Q4wIs0=/800x0/filters:no_upscale()/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_asset/file/23755669/GettyImages_1232824047.jpg"/> <cite>Sarah Silbiger/Getty Images</cite>
<figcaption>
Sen. Maggie Hassan speaks during a May 2021 meeting of the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee.
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="8nrc1d">
<strong>Arizona: </strong>Incumbent Democratic Sen. Mark Kelly hasn’t talked about abortion rights as much as other Democratic Senate candidates. But he’s made his stance clear, signing on to a letter — along with Bennet, Hassan, and Cortez Masto — that called on Biden to take immediate action in response to the Supreme Court’s decision.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="cAtcFc">
“We call on you to take every step available to your Administration, across federal agencies, to help women access abortions and other reproductive health care, and to protect those who will face the harshest burdens from this devastating and extreme decision,” <a href="https://www-tucsonsentinel-com.webpkgcache.com/doc/-/s/www.tucsonsentinel.com/nationworld/report/062822_dems_abortion_action/senate-democrats-urge-bold-action-by-biden-abortion-rights/">they wrote</a>.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="PkcFDp">
There are several Republicans in contention to challenge Kelly in the August 2 primary, and they’ve made Kelly’s support of abortion rights a key line of attack. Blake Masters, a venture capitalist, has said that Kelly “<a href="https://twitter.com/bgmasters/status/1522285307705536512?s=20&amp;t=1kcEuW7aGSNWYWw8UoWfLA">wants to force your state to allow it</a>.” And Mark Brnovich, the state’s attorney general, supported sending <em>Roe</em> to the “<a href="https://twitter.com/brnoforaz/status/1521634458809470976">ash heap of history where it belongs</a>.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="a4zOiM">
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="3GiMrb">
</p></li>
</ul>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-the-hindu-sports">From The Hindu: Sports</h1>
<ul>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Sri Lanka records innings victory over Australia in 2nd test</strong> - It was Sri Lanka’s first win by an innings against Australia since they first met in 1983.</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Chianese extends stay at Hyderabad FC</strong> - It will be the Australian’s third season with the club</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Imperial Blue, Ascoval, Last Wish, Thousand Words and Measure Of Time please</strong> -</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Cordemy works on Karman’s fitness</strong> - Coach counts Serena Williams, Goffin, Chardy among former trainees</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Arjun Babuta wins air rifle gold</strong> - Paarth Makhija finishes just outside medal bracket</p></li>
</ul>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-the-hindu-national-news">From The Hindu: National News</h1>
<ul>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Andhra Pradesh: Mekapati Vikram Reddy sworn in as Atmakur MLA</strong> -</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Andhra Pradesh: Set up ITDA in Srikakulam district, demands CPI(M)</strong> - Tribals living in rural areas being inconvenienced, he says</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>NDA Presidential candidate Droupadi Murmu reaches Siliguri, in West Bengal</strong> - The ruling SKM of Sikkim said Droupadi Murmu could not travel to the State because of her tight schedule.</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Surveillance mechanism to identify illegal loan apps urged</strong> - State concerned over steep rise in crimes relating to loan apps</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Keep accounts up-to-date, do timely audit, Kerala government tells public sector units</strong> - Circular says lapses will lead to denial of government grants</p></li>
</ul>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-bbc-europe">From BBC: Europe</h1>
<ul>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Ukraine aims to amass ‘million-strong army’ to recapture south, says defence minister</strong> - The defence minister’s remarks are a rallying cry - rather than a concrete plan - as Russia pounds cities.</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Ukraine war: Germany fears Russia gas cut may become permanent</strong> - Russian pipeline operators say maintenance work is needed, but Germany suspects political motives.</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Uber Files: Massive leak reveals how top politicians secretly helped Uber</strong> - Emmanuel Macron is among leaders who helped the ride-hailing company disrupt new markets.</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>José Eduardo dos Santos: Spain approves autopsy for ex-Angola leader</strong> - The family of 79-year-old José Eduardo dos Santos alleged there was a plot to kill him.</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Faroe Islands to limit dolphin hunt after outcry</strong> - The practice has been under scrutiny after more than 1,400 dolphins were killed in one day last year.</p></li>
</ul>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-ars-technica">From Ars Technica</h1>
<ul>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Richard Branson won the space tourism battle, but his company lost the war</strong> - “Blue Origin already won the suborbital space tourism race on July 20, 2021.” - <a href="https://arstechnica.com/?p=1865044">link</a></p></li>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>“Downright nasty” weather couldn’t stop the 100th Pikes Peak hillclimb</strong> - Some drivers dare to scale the summit in unique, vintage beasts. - <a href="https://arstechnica.com/?p=1865342">link</a></p></li>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Meta removes Facebook account mandate from Quest VR—but is that enough?</strong> - Op-ed: I welcome the removal of FB-VR mandate, but ToS still has me concerned. - <a href="https://arstechnica.com/?p=1865119">link</a></p></li>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Yet another omicron subvariant is raising concern as BA.5 sweeps the US</strong> - BA.2.75 is spreading quickly and widely. Three cases detected in US so far. - <a href="https://arstechnica.com/?p=1865296">link</a></p></li>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Musk ends bid to buy Twitter [Updated]</strong> - Elon Musk’s buyer’s remorse could be very expensive. - <a href="https://arstechnica.com/?p=1865085">link</a></p></li>
</ul>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-jokes-subreddit">From Jokes Subreddit</h1>
<ul>
<li><strong>I signed up for Binary 101, but failed it miserably.</strong> - <!-- SC_OFF -->
<div class="md">
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
I had no idea it was a Level 5 course.
</p>
</div>
<!-- SC_ON -->
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"> submitted by <a href="https://www.reddit.com/user/porichoygupto"> /u/porichoygupto </a> <br/> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/vw7cpn/i_signed_up_for_binary_101_but_failed_it_miserably/">[link]</a></span> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/vw7cpn/i_signed_up_for_binary_101_but_failed_it_miserably/">[comments]</a></span></p></li>
<li><strong>How many feminists does it take to change a light bulb?</strong> - <!-- SC_OFF -->
<div class="md">
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
THAT IS NOT FUNNY!
</p>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"> submitted by <a href="https://www.reddit.com/user/Entire-Database1679"> /u/Entire-Database1679 </a> <br/> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/vw50a2/how_many_feminists_does_it_take_to_change_a_light/">[link]</a></span> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/vw50a2/how_many_feminists_does_it_take_to_change_a_light/">[comments]</a></span></p></li>
<li><strong>My girlfriend is a pornstar.</strong> - <!-- SC_OFF -->
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She will kill me if she finds out.
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"> submitted by <a href="https://www.reddit.com/user/trysomemeth"> /u/trysomemeth </a> <br/> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/vw9h2q/my_girlfriend_is_a_pornstar/">[link]</a></span> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/vw9h2q/my_girlfriend_is_a_pornstar/">[comments]</a></span></p></li>
<li><strong>What do giants and strippers have in common?</strong> - <!-- SC_OFF -->
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They both grind bones to make their bread.
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"> submitted by <a href="https://www.reddit.com/user/noreallyiliketurtles"> /u/noreallyiliketurtles </a> <br/> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/vw37lj/what_do_giants_and_strippers_have_in_common/">[link]</a></span> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/vw37lj/what_do_giants_and_strippers_have_in_common/">[comments]</a></span></p></li>
<li><strong>During English class the teacher asks Little Johnny “have you ever heard of the word contagious before?”</strong> - <!-- SC_OFF -->
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“Of course miss” Johnny replies “my father actually said it when we were talking yesterday”.
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“Can you repeat it for the class and tell us how he used it in a sentence?”
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“Yes, miss. We were watching the neighbour take his garbage out when his bin tipped over spilling rubbish all over the driveway, dad said ’it’s going to take the contagious to pick all that up.”
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"> submitted by <a href="https://www.reddit.com/user/RayInRed"> /u/RayInRed </a> <br/> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/vw7feo/during_english_class_the_teacher_asks_little/">[link]</a></span> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/vw7feo/during_english_class_the_teacher_asks_little/">[comments]</a></span></p></li>
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