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But it also could be a pivotal moment in the House’s institutional politics.

Disciplining members is a rare tactic, and practically unheard of for comments made before being elected. During debate, Republicans warned that Democrats were opening a “Pandora’s box” of majority tyranny, while Democrats maintained that Greene’s comments represent a uniquely unacceptable situation.

Going forward, both parties could have some control over whether it’s a one-off in Congress’s history or a signal of what’s to come.

Republicans are trying to unify two very contentious factions

The vote is another battle in the ongoing wrestling between the establishment wing of the Republican Party — represented by Rep. Liz Cheney (R-WY) and Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, who have sought to distance the party from former President Donald Trump and Greene — and the pro-Trump, conspiracy-embracing right flank, which includes QAnon supporters, election deniers, and a significant number of House Republicans.

In a closed meeting of House Republicans Tuesday night, Greene privately apologized for how her statements may have hurt fellow Republicans, stating that 9/11 and school shootings did happen and saying she embraced QAnon during a dark period of her life but has since moved forward. In a display of just how embedded she is in the House GOP, she received a standing ovation.

Of course, Greene is still fundraising off her controversies — she says she has raised $175,000 — and had yet to address the incidents publicly until speaking on the floor Thursday during debate over the resolution. She expressed “regret” over her posts supporting 9/11 and school shooting denial, but did not mention her previous anti-Semitic and raicst remarks or suggestions that House Speaker Nancy Pelosi should be killed.

Greene also blamed tech companies for enforcing “cancel culture” by taking “teeny, tiny pieces of words that I’ve said, that you have said, that any of us, and portray us into something we’re not,” and said the media is “just as guilty as QAnon” in promoting lies.

Rep. Jim McGovern (D-MA), the chair of the House Rules Committee, spoke with increasing exasperation as the debate went on, saying he had yet to hear an apology from Greene and expressed shock that such a weak explanation warranted a standing ovation from Republicans.

If @SpeakerPelosi was the minority leader, she would pull every identity politics trick in the book to defend her member.

White, Woman, Wife, Mother, Christian, Conservative, Business Owner

These are the reasons they don’t want me on Ed & Labor.

It’s my identity & my values.

— Marjorie Taylor Greene (@mtgreenee) February 3, 2021

Now, Republicans must weigh the pressures associated with the vote. On the one hand, establishment leaders have condemned Greene. The Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee has been hammering Republicans over Greene, already releasing ads in vulnerable Republican districts linking some moderates to the controversial representative.

“Do (House Republicans) want to be the party of limited government and fiscal responsibility, free markets, peace through strength, and pro-life, or do they want to be the party of conspiracy theories and QAnon?” Sen. John Thune (R-SD), the second-ranking Senate Republican, said on CNN.

On the other hand, Trump still wields enormous influence over the party and its base. He has reportedly embraced Greene, and she has explicitly tied herself to the former president, making a vote against her a potential repudiation of Trump and all he represents.

In the middle of it all is McCarthy, who tried to unify his caucus in that closed-door meeting, standing behind Cheney and Greene both. He has condemned Greene’s statements but taken no action against her.

In a statement condemning Greene’s anti-Semitic theories and embrace of violence, McCarthy picked a scapegoat he is betting his whole caucus can agree on: Democrats. And given that Republicans voted overwhelmingly to unsuccessfully keep Greene on her committees, it’s clear his gamble worked.

The institutional future of the House is at stake

Democrats say Greene’s comments are so egregious that it warrants taking such historic action, and that if Republicans had stepped up and taken care of it themselves — as both parties have previously done with errant members — the vote would be unnecessary. They are particularly bothered by Republican leadership’s decision to place her on the Education Committee, despite her comments about the Parkland shooting and harassment of survivor David Hogg.

But Republicans say Democrats are playing with procedural fire, opening the door to a tit-for-tat escalation where the majority party is free to punish members of the minority with whom they disagree.

“I understand that Marjorie’s comments have caused deep wounds to many, and as a result, I offered Majority Leader [Steny] Hoyer a path to lower the temperature and address these concerns,” McCarthy said in a statement. “Instead of coming together to do that, the Democrats are choosing to raise the temperature by taking the unprecedented step to further their partisan power grab regarding the committee assignments of the other party.”

McCarthy’s comment is a warning shot to Democrats that if they pursue committee removal, Republicans could dictate minority assignments if they take the majority back in 2022. It also provides cover to House GOP members to say they are voting to support Greene purely to keep Democrats from abusing their power as the majority.

Rep. Tom Cole (R-OK) embraced that argument speaking on the floor during debate.

“The matter we are faced with is bigger than any one individual member,” he said. “It’s about how we as an institution will continue to function in the future. I fear that if we open this particular Pandora’s box, we will not like what happens next.”

Asked whether she’s concerned about the precedent being set with the Marjorie Taylor Greene vote, Pelosi responds:

“No, not at all. If any of our members threatened the safety of other members, we’d be the first ones to take them off of a committee. That’s it.”

— Kyle Griffin (@kylegriffin1) February 4, 2021

Both parties would have control over whether that becomes the case. It would be an active choice on the part of both Democrats and Republicans (next time they hold the majority) to target members of the other party.

Already, a group of House Republicans sponsored a retaliatory amendment to remove progressive Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-MN) from her committee assignments. The move has no political chance in a Democratic House, but sends a clear, though disingenuous, message about punishing supposed “extremism.” As Vox’s Zack Beauchamp has written, comparing the most left-wing Democrats with Greene draws a false equivalency between embracing socialist policies seen in peer democracies and suggesting a cabal of Jews are creating natural disasters from outer space.

Democrats, for their part, say the action is uniquely inspired by the circumstances of a member encouraging violence against another member — a stance McGovern said was “not a radical idea” and only unprecedented in that Greene’s party refused to take action.

They were committed to imposing consequences on Greene, with some members even advocating for censure or expulsion.

“The party of Lincoln is becoming the party of violent conspiracy theories,” McGovern said during debate over the resolution. “And apparently the leaders of the Republican Party in the House, today, are not going to do a damn thing about it.”

How did we get here?

Thursday’s vote is the culmination of a week of negotiation between McCarthy and Hoyer since the newest batch of Greene scandals came to light.

In the fallout of the scandals last week, Democrats, including Pelosi, began speaking out against her — particularly after Republicans named her to the House Committee on Education and Labor.

Pressure mounted on McCarthy to take action after Rep. Debbie Wasserman Schultz (D-FL) began creating the resolution to expel Greene from committees. His promise to meet with her was insufficient for House Democrats. On Monday, Hoyer gave McCarthy 72 hours to strip Greene of her committee assignments — as Republican leadership had eventually done with former Rep. Steve King for repeated white supremacist comments.

McCarthy called Hoyer with a counteroffer: He would move Greene from the Education Committee to a different committee if Democrats agreed to drop the resolution. Hoyer said no, and the Rules Committee moved forward with the resolution, voting to bring it to the floor.

Republican leadership discussed potential committee moves for Greene, but ultimately McCarthy decided to let it go to a vote, effectively signaling he — and the members he leads — would defend Greene’s place in the party.

The caucus also voted to keep Cheney in the leadership by a vote of 145-61-1 on a secret ballot, demonstrating the pull both wings of the party exert on members.

If Trump’s departure from the White House reignited the GOP civil war, McCarthy has made his position clear: The Republican tent is plenty big enough for his detractors — and for QAnon supporters and conspiracy theorists, too.


Correction: The House voted largely on partisan lines — with 11 Republicans joining Democrats — to strip Greene of her committee assignments Thursday evening. The fully partisan vote was earlier in the day to advance the resolution.

Republicans, in particular, are using this opportunity to hold messaging votes: For example, one of their amendments focuses on preventing stimulus checks from going to undocumented immigrants — something that was already the case in previous Covid-19 relief packages. But by holding a vote on this issue, and others, Republicans aim to get their Democratic counterparts on the record about them.

Because of how many amendments they involve, vote-a-ramas can take a long time: In 2013, lawmakers were in the Senate until 5 am. And in 2008, the Senate considered a total of 44 amendments. This time, roughly 700 amendments have been filed (though not all will end up getting a vote).

Once the protracted vote-a-rama is over, the path to writing the Covid-19 relief bill and moving forward with budget reconciliation is effectively cleared.

What’s next

After lawmakers work through amendments to the resolution, both chambers need to pass this measure, so that Congress can get started on writing the budget bill. Here’s what comes next in that process:

The politics of the budget reconciliation process, briefly explained

Democrats are starting the budget reconciliation process at the same time that Biden is negotiating with Republicans and Democrats alike on the parameters of his Covid-19 relief package.

Republican senators who want to work with Biden have proposed a counteroffer of $600 billion — which is nowhere near what the administration wants.

“There’s obviously a big gap between $600 billion and $1.9 trillion,” White House press secretary Jen Psaki told reporters on Monday. “Clearly, [Biden] thinks the package size needs to be closer to what he proposed than smaller.”

With reconciliation as a backdrop, the message to Republicans is: You can either negotiate something closer to what we want or we’ll pass it anyway on a party-line vote.

Democrats in Congress and the White House say they want bipartisan talks to continue. But many are also wary of negotiations dragging out for months like they did during the Obama years, wasting precious time to stimulate the economy.

Working toward a bipartisan deal — or at least trying to — is part of Biden’s nature, but it’s also good politics. By negotiating directly with moderate Republicans, Biden is also trying to keep centrist Democrats like Sens. Joe Manchin (WV) and Kyrsten Sinema (AZ) happy. Helping Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer keep his caucus in line may be just as important, if not more so, as finding areas of common ground with Republicans. Democrats are holding on to their Senate control by a single vote; they have no room for error even with a simple majority vote.

“Any senator who’s willing to act contrary to their leadership has power,” former Sen. Heidi Heitkamp of North Dakota told Vox.

This is the latest time the budget reconciliation process has been used

Back in 2017, congressional Republicans were the ones making fast use of the budget reconciliation process.

With unified control of the White House and Congress, Republicans used reconciliation twice: once in their unsuccessful attempt to overturn the Affordable Care Act, and once in their successful passage of a $1.5 trillion tax cut bill that slashed the corporate tax rate from 35 percent to 21 percent, among other things.

In other words, as much as Republicans are grumbling about Democrats using budget reconciliation now to potentially pass more Covid-19 relief, they’re familiar practitioners themselves.

If Democrats ultimately do use reconciliation to pass Biden’s Covid-19 relief plan, it likely won’t be the last time they use it. Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer has already floated it as a possible vehicle to pass large portions of Biden’s yet-to-be-released economic recovery plan, which will likely include an infrastructure package, among other things.

Still, there will likely be a lot of other items on the new president’s to-do list that can’t be passed with budget reconciliation. For instance, Biden has already introduced an immigration bill as another top priority of his administration. He’ll either have to compromise with Republicans on a number of other issues or Senate Democrats could blow up the filibuster — which is looking unlikely.

“If they want to get it moving fast, work with us on a bipartisan solution, and then use your political muscle with reconciliation later on,” Republican Sen. Lisa Murkowski (AK) told Vox recently. “But at least show evidence of the value of working together. If we move toward reconciliation, I wonder what signal that sends to those of us who want to try to advance solutions that might not be 100 percent solutions but are 80 percent solutions.”

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