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But for the most part, industry experts say, we don’t really need every charger to be a fast charger — which is why the Biden administration’s charging framework just might work.

“There’s a temptation to recreate the gas station model, where we say, ‘Oh I’m low on fuel, I need to go fill up now and be on my way in five minutes,’” Joe Britton, executive director of the Zero Emission Transportation Association, told Recode. “That would be a mistake.” (Just don’t tell Harris, who said charging the Volt was “just like filling up your car with gas.”)

Instead, Britton said, it’s important to consider how most people actually use their cars on a regular day. Most folks aren’t driving hundreds of miles each day; they’re driving between home and work or running errands around town. For those folks, Level 2 chargers would work just fine. They can charge their cars at home, drive to a grocery store, plug in at the parking lot, and drive back home with a full battery. So while the Biden plan does include strategically installing faster chargers along highways and in rural areas, the focus on building lots of Level 2 chargers in local communities is a way to stretch that $7.5 billion a long way.

“We make it easier for people to go electric,” Harris told the crowd in Maryland on Monday. The biggest obstacle for most people looking to buy an electric car, she added, is “figuring out where and how to charge it.″

The stakes are high here. Despite being home to EV pioneers like Tesla and GM, the US lags far behind Europe and China in electric vehicle sales. The majority of American EV sales are also concentrated in major metropolitan areas, with nearly half of all EV sales in California alone. And while transportation is the sector with the largest greenhouse gas emissions in the country, energy is a close second.

Biden’s plan could make buying and charging electric cars easier, but electric vehicles are only as clean as the grids that power them. Studies have shown that electric cars drawing power from coal-heavy grids can actually be worse for the climate than hybrids. And so far, the president’s attempts to clean up the grid have been repeatedly thwarted by Senator Joe Manchin of West Virginia, who single-handedly gutted a proposal to replace coal- and gas-powered plants with solar, wind, and nuclear energy. Most of the energy policy that remains in Biden’s signature Build Back Better bill revolves around tax credits for clean energy, with few penalties for continued pollution-heavy energy production.

Inevitably, more electric vehicle chargers — even if they’re slower ones — are better than no chargers at all. But they’re not a solution on their own. The entire planet is fighting a losing battle against carbon emissions and climate change, and all those electric vehicles will need to get their energy from somewhere. Through the Build Back Better bill and the new infrastructure law, the Biden administration is making progress on a robust plan for clean energy and EV adoption in the United States. But the plan only works if the Build Back Better bill passes and the measures in the infrastructure law become reality.

Will these things happen this year, if at all? It’s not looking good.

This story was first published in the Recode newsletter. Sign up here so you don’t miss the next one!

Jeevan and the young Kirsten check out of a supermarket, as Christmas lights 
twinkle in the background. HBO Max

Station Eleven has big Christmassy vibes.

The unexpected beauty of the end of all things is also reflected in the series’ direction, particularly in the two episodes directed by Murai (the first and third). Murai is one of the great visual stylists working in television right now, and the first few seconds of the series serve as a thesis statement for everything to follow.

In the opening series of shots, wild boars root around in the plant life inside a space once built and occupied by humans. A few scraps of paper mark this as the theater where Arthur (here played by Gael Garcia Bernal) died onstage playing Lear. Murai cuts to what remains of the seats, now covered in verdant greenery. And then he match-cuts to those seats on the night of Arthur’s final performance. The theater is now a living space, one where people will enjoy a great play. But it feels less alive than it did when its only occupants were plants and boars.

Television has been overwhelmed by a glut of series that lean too heavily on gray, murky visuals and digital color grading that reduces too much of the picture to dishwater mush. If Station Eleven failed on every other level, it would at least be worth watching for how it bucks this trend. The post-apocalyptic sections burst with a natural color palette, dominated by green. The mid-apocalyptic sections are stark white, thanks to the snow everywhere, with warmer tones for the apartment where Jeevan, Kirsten, and Frank hole up. And the sections set in the past are warmer still, as various characters remember their happiest moments.

The use of color allows viewers to instantly know where they are in the show’s timeline, which could feel overly complicated otherwise. The series never manages something as visually astonishing as those opening shots, but there were several moments per episode where I found myself deeply impressed by the show’s willingness to tell its story in images, even as the dialogue concocted by Somerville and his writers is poetic and rarely overwrought. (I did say rarely. It’s sometimes quite overwrought.)

I can quibble. I think a couple of the series’ episodes try way too hard to either cram in too much story or spread too little story over a full hour of TV. (The episodes are all around an hour long, though some are as short as 43 minutes.) Dan Romer’s score is often lovely, but sometimes, the blaring music felt a little like it was trying to tell me what exactly I should feel. And I occasionally felt like I needed a chart to track the bouncing around in time, particularly in some of those odd-numbered flashback episodes.

But those are only quibbles. Most of all, I’m glad Station Eleven has arrived at the end of a long, hard year for so many of us, because its embrace of joy and melancholy and its love of snowy expanses mark it as an accidentally perfect holiday season miniseries. In one episode, for instance, young Kirsten, surrounded by a dying world, performs “The First Noel” for Frank and Jeevan, twinkling lights in the background. At the end of the year, in the cold and the darkness and melancholy, we come together to make things a little warmer, a little brighter, a little more joyful. So why wouldn’t we do that at the end of the world, too?

Station Eleven debuts Thursday on HBO Max. The first three episodes are available that day, with two episodes each debuting on December 23, December 30, and January 6. The finale arrives January 13. Yes, as mentioned, this is weirdly appropriate Christmastime viewing.

What Meadows has turned over

Meanwhile, some of the documents Meadows did turn over to the committee spilled out into public view in recent days.

One was a PowerPoint presentation titled “Election fraud, foreign interference, and options for 6 JAN” put together by a retired US Army colonel named Phil Waldron. The Guardian’s Hugo Lowell tweeted parts of one version of this presentation, which claimed there had been “foreign interference” in the election on Biden’s behalf, and recommended declaring a “national security emergency” and declaring all electronic voting “invalid.” Waldron briefed Republican members of Congress, and a version of his presentation ended up being sent to Meadows.

But while the PowerPoint presentation is certainly revealing of what kind of extreme ideas Trump supporters were entertaining at this point, there’s no indication that Meadows acted on it or did anything with it — for all we know at this point, it is just something that showed up in his inbox.

January 6 committee members also revealed various texts Meadows had received after the election and particularly on the day of the attack. In the texts, Fox hosts Laura Ingraham, Sean Hannity, and Brian Kilmeade all pleaded for Meadows to get Trump to do something to stop the violence — and so did Donald Trump Jr. 

The texts show the hypocrisy of some of these figures, who have since downplayed the import of what happened that day. They also refocus attention on central questions of the committee, which Meadows could theoretically shed light on — why did it take so long for Trump to intervene that day, and what was the president saying and doing privately in those first few hours after the Capitol was stormed? These are the questions that Meadows clearly does not want to answer.

It’s unclear what lies ahead for Meadows — and the investigation

Mere weeks passed between the House’s referral of Bannon for prosecution and Bannon’s indictment by a Washington, DC, grand jury. Yet Bannon was so openly defiant of the committee’s subpoenas — and he quite obviously had no claim to executive privilege, since he had left the government in 2017 — that his was basically an open-and-shut case.

The same may not be true for Meadows. In part, this is because at various points Meadows has at least tried to make a show of willingness to cooperate with the committee. But the Justice Department will also have to sort out the thorny issue of executive privilege. They may conclude Meadows should indeed be indicted, but it could take more time.

As for where the investigation is headed, comments from Cheney this week were particularly interesting.

“Mr. Meadows’s testimony will bear on another key question before this committee: Did Donald Trump, through action or inaction, corruptly seek to obstruct or impede Congress’s official proceeding to count electoral votes?” Cheney said.

The Washington Post’s Aaron Blake points out that this language alludes to the language of a federal criminal statute for obstruction of an official proceeding. That is: Cheney is floating the possibility that Trump himself could be charged with a crime related to January 6, a prospect that has seemed quite remote for much of the year.

Again, it is unclear how strong a case can be made, and whether Attorney General Merrick Garland’s Justice Department would take the enormously controversial move of charging a former president. But this may well be the committee’s endgame.

It’s been a rough year for those outraged by the insurrection, though, with Biden’s popularity dropping, Democratic congressional majorities looking imperiled, Trump polling well for 2024, and media coverage mostly moving on to other issues. If the committee hopes to make the former president face serious consequences for his actions that day, well, the clock is ticking.

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