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<title>21 December, 2022</title>
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<h1 data-aos="fade-down" id="covid-19-sentry">Covid-19 Sentry</h1>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" data-aos-anchor-placement="top-bottom" id="contents">Contents</h1>
<ul>
<li><a href="#from-preprints">From Preprints</a></li>
<li><a href="#from-clinical-trials">From Clinical Trials</a></li>
<li><a href="#from-pubmed">From PubMed</a></li>
<li><a href="#from-patent-search">From Patent Search</a></li>
</ul>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-preprints">From Preprints</h1>
<ul>
<li><strong>An approach to rapid distributed manufacturing of broad spectrum anti-viral griffithsin using cell-free systems to mitigate pandemics</strong> -
<div>
This study describes the cell-free biomanufacturing of a broad-spectrum antiviral protein, griffithsin (GRFT) such that it can be produced with consistent purity and potency in less than 24 hours. We demonstrate GRFT production using two independent cell-free systems, one plant and one microbial. Griffithsin purity and quality were verified using standard regulatory metrics. Efficacy was demonstrated in vitro against SARS-CoV-2 and HIV-1 and was nearly identical to that of GRFT expressed in vivo. The proposed production process is efficient and can be readily scaled up and deployed anywhere in the world where a viral pathogen might emerge. The current emergence of viral variants has resulted in frequent updating of existing vaccines and loss of efficacy for front-line monoclonal antibody therapies. Proteins such as GRFT with its efficacious and broad virus neutralizing capability provide a compelling pandemic mitigation strategy to promptly suppress viral emergence at the source of an outbreak.
</div>
<div class="article-link article-html-link">
🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.biorxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.12.19.521044v1" target="_blank">An approach to rapid distributed manufacturing of broad spectrum anti-viral griffithsin using cell-free systems to mitigate pandemics</a>
</div></li>
<li><strong>Genome-based comparison between the recombinant SARS-CoV-2 XBB and its parental lineages</strong> -
<div>
Recombination is the main contributor to RNA virus evolution, and SARS-CoV-2 during the pandemic produced several recombinants. The most recent SARS-CoV-2 recombinant is the lineage labeled XBB, also known as Gryphon, which arose from BJ.1 and BM.1.1.1. Here we performed a genome-based survey aimed to compare the new recombinant with its parental lineages that never became dominant. Genetic analyses indicated that the recombinant XBB and its first descendant XBB.1 show an evolutionary condition typical of an evolutionary blind background with no further epidemiologically relevant descendant. Genetic variability and expansion capabilities are slightly higher than parental lineages. Bayesian Skyline Plot indicates that XBB reached its plateau around October 6, 2022 and after an initial rapid growth the viral population size did not further expand, and around November 10, 2022 its levels of genetic variability decreased. Simultaneously with the reduction of the XBB population size, an increase of the genetic variability of its first sub-lineage XBB.1 occurred, that in turn reached the plateau around November 9, 2022 showing a kind of vicariance with its direct progenitors. Structure analysis indicates that the affinity for ACE2 surface in XBB/XBB.1 RBDs is weaker than for BA.2 RBD. In conclusion, nowadays XBB and XBB.1 do not show evidence about a particular danger or high expansion capability. Genome-based monitoring must continue uninterrupted in order to individuate if further mutations can make XBB more dangerous or generate new subvariants with different expansion capability.
</div>
<div class="article-link article-html-link">
🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.biorxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.12.20.521197v1" target="_blank">Genome-based comparison between the recombinant SARS-CoV-2 XBB and its parental lineages</a>
</div></li>
<li><strong>An oral vaccine for SARS-CoV-2 RBD mRNA-bovine milk-derived exosomes induces a neutralizing antibody response in vivo</strong> -
<div>
The severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus type 2 (SARS-CoV-2) that causes the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) has presented numerous challenges to global health. The vaccines, including lipid-based nanoparticle mRNA, inactivated virus and recombined protein, have been used to prevent SARS-CoV-2 infections in clinics and are immensely helpful against the epidemic. Here, we first present an oral mRNA vaccine based on bovine milk-derived exosomes (milk-exos), which encodes the SARS-CoV-2 receptor binding domain (RBD) as an immunogen. The results indicated that RBD mRNA delivered by milk-derived exosomes can produce secreted RBD peptide in 293 cells in vitro and stimulated neutralizing antibodies against RBD in mice. These results indicated that bovine milk-derived exosome-based mRNA vaccine could serve as a new strategy for preventing SARS-CoV-2 infection. Meanwhile, it also can work as a new oral delivery system for mRNA. Keywords: bovine milk-derived exosomes; SARS-CoV-2; receptor binding domain; mRNA; oral vaccines; neutralizing antibody
</div>
<div class="article-link article-html-link">
🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.biorxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.12.19.517879v1" target="_blank">An oral vaccine for SARS-CoV-2 RBD mRNA-bovine milk-derived exosomes induces a neutralizing antibody response in vivo</a>
</div></li>
<li><strong>Adenoviral-Based Vaccine Elicits Robust Systemic and Mucosal Cross-Reactive Responses in African Green Monkeys and Reduces Shedding after SARS-CoV-2 Challenge</strong> -
<div>
As new SARS-CoV-2 variants continue to emerge and impact communities worldwide, efforts to develop next generation vaccines that enhance mucosal immunity would be beneficial for protecting individuals and reducing community transmission. We have developed a non-replicating recombinant adenovirus vector (rAd5) vaccine delivered by mucosal administration engineered to express both a protein antigen and a novel molecular adjuvant in the same cell. Here we describe the immunogenicity of three unique SARS-CoV-2 rAd5 vaccine preclinical candidates and their efficacy following viral challenge in African green monkeys. Animals were prime and boost immunized intranasally twenty-nine days apart with rAd5 vaccine candidates containing viral SARS-CoV-2 spike protein alone or in combination with viral nucleocapsid. Mucosal immunization elicited significant increases in antigen-specific serum antibody responses and functional neutralizing activity against multiple variants of concern. Robust antigen specific mucosal IgA responses were observed after a single administration of rAd5 and generated strong cross-reactive neutralizing antibodies against multiple variants including delta. Importantly, all vaccinated animals exhibited a significant reduction in viral loads and infectious particle shedding in both the nasal passages and lower airways compared to unvaccinated controls following challenge with SARS-CoV-2. These findings demonstrate that mucosal immunization using rAd5 is highly immunogenic, confers protective cross-reactive humoral responses in both the circulation and mucosa, and reduces viral loads and shedding upon challenge with multiple SARS-CoV-2 variants.
</div>
<div class="article-link article-html-link">
🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.biorxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.12.19.521127v1" target="_blank">Adenoviral-Based Vaccine Elicits Robust Systemic and Mucosal Cross-Reactive Responses in African Green Monkeys and Reduces Shedding after SARS-CoV-2 Challenge</a>
</div></li>
<li><strong>Rapid recall and de novo T cell responses during SARS-CoV-2 breakthrough infection</strong> -
<div>
While the protective role of neutralising antibodies against COVID-19 is well-established, questions remain about the relative importance of cellular immunity. Using 6 pMHC-multimers in a cohort with early and frequent sampling we define the phenotype and kinetics of recalled and primary T cell responses following Delta or Omicron breakthrough infection. Recall of spike-specific CD4+ T cells was rapid, with cellular proliferation and extensive activation evident as early as 1 day post-symptom onset. Similarly, spike-specific CD8+ T cells were rapidly activated but showed variable levels of expansion. Strikingly, high levels of SARS-CoV-2-specific CD8+ T cell activation at baseline and peak were strongly correlated with reduced peak SARS-CoV-2 RNA levels in nasal swabs and accelerated clearance of virus. Our study demonstrates rapid and extensive recall of memory T cell populations occurs early after breakthrough infection and suggests that CD8+ T cells contribute to the control of viral replication in breakthrough SARS-CoV-2 infections.
</div>
<div class="article-link article-html-link">
🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.biorxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.12.19.521129v1" target="_blank">Rapid recall and de novo T cell responses during SARS-CoV-2 breakthrough infection</a>
</div></li>
<li><strong>Transcriptional Profiles Analysis of COVID-19 and Malaria Patients Reveals Potential Biomarkers in Children</strong> -
<div>
The clinical presentation overlap between malaria and COVID-19 poses special challenges for rapid diagnosis in febrile children. In this study, we collected RNA-seq data of children with malaria and COVID-19 infection from the public databases as raw data in fastq format paired end files. A group of six, five and two biological replicates of malaria, COVID-19 and healthy donors respectively were used for the study. We conducted differential gene expression analysis to visualize differences in the expression profiles. Using edgeR, we explored particularly gene expression levels in different phenotype groups and found that 1084 genes and 2495 genes were differentially expressed in the malaria samples and COVID-19 samples respectively when compared to healthy controls. The highly expressed gene in the COVID-19 group we found CD151 gene which is facilitates in T cell proliferation, while in the malaria group, among the highly expressed gene we identified GBP5 gene which involved in inflammatory response and response to bacterium. By comparing both malaria and COVID-19 infections, the overlap of 62 differentially expressed genes patterns were identified. Among them, three genes (ENSG00000234998, H2AC19 and TXNDC5) were highly upregulated in both infections. Strikingly, we observed 13 genes such as HBQ1, HBM, SLC7A5, SERINC2, ATP6V0C, ST6GALNAC4, RAD23A, PNPLA2, GAS2L1, TMEM86B, SLC6A8, UBALD1, RNF187 were downregulated in children with malaria and uniquely upregulated in children with COVID-19, thus may be further validated as potential biomarkers to delineate COVID-19 from malaria-related febrile infection. The hemoglobin complexes and lipid metabolism biological pathways are highly expressed in both infections. Our study provided new insights for further investigation of the biological pattern in hosts with malaria and COVID-19 coinfection.
</div>
<div class="article-link article-html-link">
🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.biorxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.06.30.498338v3" target="_blank">Transcriptional Profiles Analysis of COVID-19 and Malaria Patients Reveals Potential Biomarkers in Children</a>
</div></li>
<li><strong>Changing social contact patterns among US workers during the COVID-19 pandemic: April 2020 to December 2021</strong> -
<div>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
Non-pharmaceutical interventions minimize social contacts, hence the spread of SARS-CoV-2. We quantified two-day contact patterns among US employees from 2020-2021 during the COVID-19 pandemic. Contacts were defined as face-to-face conversations, involving physical touch or proximity to another individual and were collected using electronic diaries. Mean (standard deviation) contacts reported by 1,456 participants were 2.5 (2.5), 8.2 (7.1), 9.2 (7.1) and 10.1 (9.5) across round 1 (April-June 2020), 2 (November 2020-January 2021), 3 (June-August 2021), and 4 (November-December 2021), respectively. Between round 1 and 2, we report a 3-fold increase in the mean number of contacts reported per participant with no major increases from round 2-4. We modeled SARS-CoV-2 transmission at home, work, and community. The model revealed reduced relative transmission in all settings in round 1. Subsequently, transmission increased at home and in the community but remained very low in work settings. Contact data are important to parameterize models of infection transmission and control.
</p>
</div>
<div class="article-link article-html-link">
🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.12.19.22283700v1" target="_blank">Changing social contact patterns among US workers during the COVID-19 pandemic: April 2020 to December 2021</a>
</div></li>
<li><strong>Different B cell activation patterns in asymptomatic and symptomatic COVID-19 patients</strong> -
<div>
Early and persistent defects in B cell subsets such as memory B cells were shown to be correlated with poor outcomes in COVID-19 patients. This research aimed to develop a molecular pathway model to understand the B cell development in COVID-19. A B cell transcriptomics dataset, obtained from COVID-19 patients, was analyzed on the resulting pathway model to study B cell activation. The pathway showed two distinct gene expression profiles between asymptomatic and symptomatic patients. In asymptomatic patients, there is an increase in transcript levels of antiviral interferon-stimulated genes such as ISG15, IFITM1, and NEAT1 and a driving gene for the extrafollicular pathway CXCR4 indicating a formation of plasmablast. In symptomatic patients, the results suggest an inhibition occurring at the germinal center hinting at a reduction in memory B cell production. Transcripts of driver gene CXCR5 involved in germinal center development is one of the most downregulated genes. This could contribute to the shortage in the formation of memory B cells in COVID-19. Concluding, in SARS-CoV-2 infection, B cells follow different activation routes in asymptomatic and symptomatic patients. In this study, we constructed a pathway that allowed us to analyze and interpret activation patterns of B cells in COVID-19 patients and their link to disease severity. Importantly, the pathway and approach can be reused for further research in COVID-19 or other diseases.
</div>
<div class="article-link article-html-link">
🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.biorxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.12.19.521064v1" target="_blank">Different B cell activation patterns in asymptomatic and symptomatic COVID-19 patients</a>
</div></li>
<li><strong>Impact of Age, Race, and Family History on COVID-19 Related Changes in Breast Cancer Screening among the Boston Mammography Cohort Study</strong> -
<div>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
<b>Background:</b>
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
We studied women enrolled in the Boston Mammography Cohort Study to investigate whether subgroups defined by age, race, or family history of breast cancer experienced differences in trends of screening or diagnostic imaging rates during the COVID-19 lockdown and had slower rebound in trends of these rates during reopening.
</p>
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<b>Methods:</b>
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
We compared trends of monthly breast cancer screening and diagnostic imaging rates over time between the pre-COVID-19, lockdown, and reopening periods and tested for differences in the monthly trend within the same period by age (&lt;50 vs ≥50), race (White vs non-White), and first-degree family history of breast cancer (yes vs no).
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
<b>Results:</b>
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
Overall, we observed a decline in breast cancer screening and diagnostic imaging rates. The monthly trend of breast cancer screening rates for women age ≥50 was 5% higher (p=0.005) in the pre-COVID-19 period but was 19% lower in the reopening phase than that of women aged &lt;50 (p&lt;0.001). White participants had 36% higher monthly trend of breast cancer diagnostic imaging rates than non-White participants (p=0.018).
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
<b>Discussion:</b>
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
The rebound in screening was lower in women age ≥50 and lower in non-White women for diagnostic imaging. Careful attention must be paid as the COVID-19 recovery continues to ensure equitable resumption of care.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
<b>Funding:</b>
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
The project was supported by the Breast Cancer Research Foundation (RT). Researchers were supported by the University of Louisville CIEHS P30 ES030283 (NCD), K01CA188075 (ETW), T32CA09001 (NCD, MOS, MEB) P30 ES000002 (JH, FL), and NIH/NCI K00 CA212222 (MEB). This manuscript is the responsibility of the authors and does not represent the official views of the National Institutes of Health.
</p>
</div>
<div class="article-link article-html-link">
🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.12.20.22283719v1" target="_blank">Impact of Age, Race, and Family History on COVID-19 Related Changes in Breast Cancer Screening among the Boston Mammography Cohort Study</a>
</div></li>
<li><strong>Humoral responses against BQ.1.1 elicited after breakthrough infection and SARS-CoV-2 mRNA vaccination</strong> -
<div>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
The Omicron BQ.1.1 variant is now the major SARS-CoV-2 circulating strain in many countries. Because of the many mutations present in its Spike glycoprotein, this variant is resistant to humoral responses elicited by monovalent mRNA vaccines. With the goal to improve immune responses against Omicron subvariants, bivalent mRNA vaccines have recently been approved in several countries. In this study, we measure the capacity of plasma from vaccinated individuals, before and after a fourth dose of mono- or bivalent mRNA vaccine, to recognize and neutralize the ancestral (D614G) and the BQ.1.1 Spikes. Before and after the fourth dose, we observe a significantly better recognition and neutralization of the ancestral Spike. We also observe that fourth-dose vaccinated individuals who have been recently infected recognize and neutralize better the BQ.1.1 Spike, independently of the mRNA vaccine used, than donors who have never been infected or have an older infection. Our study supports that hybrid immunity, generated by vaccination and a recent infection, induces higher humoral responses than vaccination alone, independently of the mRNA vaccine used.
</p>
</div>
<div class="article-link article-html-link">
🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.12.20.22283723v1" target="_blank">Humoral responses against BQ.1.1 elicited after breakthrough infection and SARS-CoV-2 mRNA vaccination</a>
</div></li>
<li><strong>SARS-CoV-2 mRNA vaccination exposes progressive adaptive immune dysfunction in patients with chronic lymphocytic leukemia</strong> -
<div>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
Chronic lymphocytic leukemia (CLL) patients have lower seroconversion rates and antibody titers following SARS-CoV-2 vaccination, but the reasons for this diminished response are poorly understood. Here, we studied humoral and cellular responses in 95 CLL patients and 30 healthy controls after two BNT162b2 or mRNA-2173 mRNA immunizations. We found that 42% of CLL vaccinees developed SARS-CoV-2-specific binding and neutralizing antibodies (NAbs), while 32% had no response. Interestingly, 26% were seropositive, but had no detectable NAbs, suggesting the maintenance of pre-existing endemic human coronavirus-specific antibodies that cross-react with the S2 domain of the SARS-CoV-2 spike. These individuals had more advanced disease. In treatment-naïve CLL patients, mRNA-2173 induced 12-fold higher NAb titers and 1.7-fold higher response rates than BNT162b2. These data reveal a graded loss of immune function, with pre-existing memory being preserved longer than the capacity to respond to new antigens, and identify mRNA-2173 as a superior vaccine for CLL patients.
</p>
</div>
<div class="article-link article-html-link">
🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.12.19.22283645v1" target="_blank">SARS-CoV-2 mRNA vaccination exposes progressive adaptive immune dysfunction in patients with chronic lymphocytic leukemia</a>
</div></li>
<li><strong>Impact of guidance on trends of steroid prescriptions for COVID-19 inpatients: an analysis of the nation-wide administrative database in Japan</strong> -
<div>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
Background: Since the outbreak of the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, guidance (“Japanese Guide”) has been published by a working group of several academic societies and announced by the Ministry of Health, Labour, and Welfare. Steroids as a candidate treatment for COVID-19 were noted in the Japanese Guide. However, the prescription details for steroids, and whether the Japanese Guide changed its clinical practice, were unclear. This study aimed to examine the impact of the Japanese Guide on the trends in the prescription of steroids for COVID-19 inpatients in Japan. Methods: We selected our study population using Diagnostic Procedure Combination (DPC) data from hospitals participating in the Quality Indicator/Improvement Project (QIP). The inclusion criteria were patients discharged from hospital between January 2020 and December 2020, who had been diagnosed with COVID-19, and were aged 18 years or older. The epidemiological characteristics of cases and the proportion of steroid prescriptions were described on a weekly basis. The same analysis was performed for subgroups classified by disease severity. Results: The study population comprised 8603 cases (410 severe cases, 2231 moderate II cases, and 5962 moderate I/mild cases). The maximum proportion of cases prescribed with dexamethasone increased remarkably from 2.5% to 35.2% in the study population before and after week 29 (July 2020), when dexamethasone was included in the guidance. These increases were 7.7% to 58.7% in severe cases, 5.0% to 57.2% in moderate II cases, and 1.1% to 19.2% in moderate I/mild cases. Although the proportion of cases prescribed prednisolone and methylprednisolone decreased in moderate II and moderate I/mild cases, it remained high in severe cases. Conclusions: We showed the trends of steroid prescriptions in COVID-19 inpatients. The results showed that guidance can influence drug treatment provided during an emerging infectious disease pandemic.
</p>
</div>
<div class="article-link article-html-link">
🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.12.20.22283717v1" target="_blank">Impact of guidance on trends of steroid prescriptions for COVID-19 inpatients: an analysis of the nation-wide administrative database in Japan</a>
</div></li>
<li><strong>Outcomes in Patients with Acute Hypoxemic Respiratory Failure Secondary to COVID-19 Treated with Noninvasive Respiratory Support versus Invasive Mechanical Ventilation</strong> -
<div>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
Purpose The goal of this study was to compare noninvasive respiratory support to invasive mechanical ventilation as the initial respiratory support in COVID-19 patients with acute hypoxemic respiratory failure. Methods All patients admitted to a large healthcare network with acute hypoxemic respiratory failure associated with COVID-19 and requiring respiratory support were eligible for inclusion. We compared patients treated initially with noninvasive respiratory support (noninvasive positive pressure ventilation by facemask or high flow nasal oxygen) with patients treated initially with invasive mechanical ventilation. The primary outcome was time-to-in-hospital death analyzed using an inverse probability of treatment weighted Cox model adjusted for potential confounders. Secondary outcomes included unweighted and weighted assessments of mortality, lengths-of-stay (intensive care unit and hospital) and time-to-intubation. Results Over the study period, 2354 patients met inclusion criteria. Nearly half (47%) received invasive mechanical ventilation first and 53% received initial noninvasive respiratory support. There was an overall 38% in-hospital mortality (37% for invasive mechanical ventilation and 39% for noninvasive respiratory support). Initial noninvasive respiratory support was associated with an increased hazard of death compared to initial invasive mechanical ventilation (HR: 1.61, p &lt; 0.0001, 95% CI: 1.33 - 1.94). However, patients on initial noninvasive respiratory support also experienced an increased hazard of leaving the hospital sooner, but the hazard ratio waned with time (HR: 0.97, p &lt; 0.0001, 95% CI: 0.96 - 0.98). Conclusion These data show that the COVID-19 patients with acute hypoxemic respiratory failure initially treated with noninvasive respiratory support had an increased hazard of in-hospital death.
</p>
</div>
<div class="article-link article-html-link">
🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.12.19.22283704v1" target="_blank">Outcomes in Patients with Acute Hypoxemic Respiratory Failure Secondary to COVID-19 Treated with Noninvasive Respiratory Support versus Invasive Mechanical Ventilation</a>
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<li><strong>Number of COVID-19 hospitalisations averted by vaccination: Estimates for the Netherlands, August 2, 2021 through August 30, 2022</strong> -
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Background Vaccines against COVID-19 have proven effective in preventing COVID-19 hospitalisation. In this study, we aimed to quantify one aspect of the public health impact of COVID-19 vaccination by estimating the number of averted hospitalisations. We present results from the beginning of the vaccination campaign (period 1, January 6, 2021) and a period starting at August 2, 2021 (period 2) when all adults had the opportunity to complete their primary series, until August 30, 2022. Methods Using calendar-time specific vaccine effectiveness (VE) estimates and vaccine coverage (VC) by round (primary series, first booster and second booster) and the observed number of COVID-19 associated hospitalisations, we estimated the number of averted hospitalisations per age group for the two study periods. From January 25, 2022, when the indication of hospitalisation was registered, hospitalisations not causally related to COVID-19 were excluded. Results In period 1, there were an estimated 98,170 (95% confidence interval (CI) 96,123-99,928) averted hospitalisations, of which 90,753 (95% CI 88,790-92,531) in period 2, equalling 57.0% and 67.9% of all hospital admissions. Estimated averted hospitalisations were lowest for 12-49-year-olds and highest for 70-79-year-olds. More admissions were averted in the Delta period (72.2%) than in the Omicron period (64.0%). Conclusion COVID-19 vaccination prevented a large number of hospitalisations. Although the estimated number of hospitalisations during the study period could not have occurred realistically due to limits on health care, these findings underline the public health importance of the vaccination campaign to policy makers and the public.
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<div class="article-link article-html-link">
🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.12.20.22283713v1" target="_blank">Number of COVID-19 hospitalisations averted by vaccination: Estimates for the Netherlands, August 2, 2021 through August 30, 2022</a>
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<li><strong>Tracking the COVID-19 vaccine equity, distribution, and cases in the global south</strong> -
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The rapid development of vaccines against severe acute respiratory syndrome coronavirus 2 (SARS-CoV-2) has proved to make an important contribution in reducing both viral transmission and disease burden. In this study, we tracked the COVID-19 vaccine equity, distribution, and cases in global south countries using country-level data from Our World in Data using an event study analysis. We used data from 149 global south and 59 non-global south countries from January 2020 to May 2022. All non-global south and 90.32% of global south countries had universal availability of vaccines. The median time since the introduction of the first COVID-19 vaccine in the global south was almost eight weeks later than in non-global south countries. The median number of people fully vaccinated per hundred (68.8 vs 50.31), and the total number of boosters administered per hundred (45.7 vs. 13.02) were higher in non-global south countries compared to global south countries. Using the event study analysis, we found a significant reduction of COVID-19 new cases and deaths after the first COVID-19 vaccination rollout compared to the baseline in global south countries, average coefficient p-value &lt;0.001. Programs aiming at improving vaccine access and distribution to global south countries are essential to effectively control COVID-19.
</p>
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<div class="article-link article-html-link">
🖺 Full Text HTML: <a href="https://www.medrxiv.org/content/10.1101/2022.12.19.22283681v1" target="_blank">Tracking the COVID-19 vaccine equity, distribution, and cases in the global south</a>
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</ul>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-clinical-trials">From Clinical Trials</h1>
<ul>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>101-PGC-005 for the Treatment of COVID-19</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   COVID-19<br/><b>Interventions</b>:   Drug: 101-PGC-005;   Drug: Dexamethasone<br/><b>Sponsor</b>:   101 Therapeutics<br/><b>Recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>COVID-19 Booster Study in Healthy Adults in Australia</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   COVID-19<br/><b>Interventions</b>:   Biological: Bivalent Moderna;   Biological: Novavax<br/><b>Sponsors</b>:   Murdoch Childrens Research Institute;   Coalition for Epidemic Preparedness Innovations;   The Peter Doherty Institute for Infection and Immunity<br/><b>Not yet recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Effect of N-Acetylcysteine on Neutrophil Lymphocyte Ratio And Length of Stay In COVID-19 Patients</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   COVID-19<br/><b>Intervention</b>:   Drug: N-acetyl cysteine<br/><b>Sponsor</b>:   Universitas Sebelas Maret<br/><b>Completed</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Baldachin: Ceiling HEPA-filtration to Prevent Nosocomial Transmission of COVID-19</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   COVID-19<br/><b>Intervention</b>:   Device: Baldachin<br/><b>Sponsor</b>:   University Hospital Inselspital, Berne<br/><b>Not yet recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Comparative Study of the Efficacy and Safety of Ambervin and Standard Therapy in Hospitalized Patients With COVID-19</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   COVID-19<br/><b>Interventions</b>:   Drug: Tyrosyl-D-alanyl-glycyl-phenylalanyl-leucyl-arginine succinate intramuscularly;   Drug: Tyrosyl-D-alanyl-glycyl-phenylalanyl-leucyl-arginine succinate inhaled;   Drug: Standard of care<br/><b>Sponsor</b>:   Promomed, LLC<br/><b>Completed</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Study of GST-HG171/Ritonavir Compared With Placebo in Patients With Mild to Moderate COVID-19</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   COVID-19 Pneumonia<br/><b>Interventions</b>:   Drug: GST-HG171/Ritonavir;   Drug: Placebo<br/><b>Sponsor</b>:   Fujian Akeylink Biotechnology Co., Ltd.<br/><b>Not yet recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>A Study for Immunocompromised Patients for Pre Exposure Prophylaxis of COVID-19 With AZD5156.</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   COVID 19<br/><b>Interventions</b>:   Biological: Placebo;   Biological: AZD5156;   Biological: AZD7442 (EVUSHELD™)<br/><b>Sponsor</b>:   AstraZeneca<br/><b>Not yet recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>A PhaseⅡ Study to Evaluate the Safety &amp; Immunogenicity of SARS-CoV-2 Alpha/Beta/Delta/Omicron Variants COVID-19 Vaccine</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   COVID-19 Pandemic<br/><b>Interventions</b>:   Biological: SCTV01E;   Biological: Placebo (normal saline)<br/><b>Sponsor</b>:   Sinocelltech Ltd.<br/><b>Not yet recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Graphene Photothermal Adjuvant Therapy for Mild Corona Virus Disease 2019: A Prospective Randomized Controlled Trial</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   COVID-19<br/><b>Intervention</b>:   Device: Graphene spectrum light wave therapy room<br/><b>Sponsors</b>:   Southeast University, China;   Hohhot First Hospital<br/><b>Recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Effectiveness of Supportive Psychotherapy Through Internet-Based Teleconsultation on Psychological and Somatic Symptoms, Neutrophil-Lymphocyte Ratio, and Heart Rate Variability in Post Covid-19 Syndrome Patients</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   Post-COVID-19 Syndrome<br/><b>Intervention</b>:   Behavioral: Supportive Psychotherapy<br/><b>Sponsor</b>:   Indonesia University<br/><b>Not yet recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>ICBT for Psychological Symptoms Related to the COVID-19 Pandemic Remaining After Societal Opening</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   Depression and Anxiety Symptoms Related to the COVID-19 Pandemic<br/><b>Intervention</b>:   Behavioral: Internet-based Cognitive Behavioral Therapy<br/><b>Sponsor</b>:   Linkoeping University<br/><b>Not yet recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>ARVAC - A New Recombinant Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19) Vaccine</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   COVID-19 Vaccine<br/><b>Intervention</b>:   Biological: ARVAC-CG vaccine (recombinant protein vaccine against SARS-CoV-2)<br/><b>Sponsors</b>:   Laboratorio Pablo Cassara S.R.L.;   Universidad Nacional de San Martín (UNSAM);   National Council of Scientific and Technical Research, Argentina<br/><b>Active, not recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>The Efficacy of Azvudine and Paxlovid in High-risk Patients With COVID-19: A Prospective Randomized Controlled Trial</strong> - <b>Condition</b>:   SARS-CoV-2 Infection<br/><b>Interventions</b>:   Drug: Azvudine;   Drug: Paxlovid group<br/><b>Sponsors</b>:   Southeast University, China;   Hohhot First Hospital, Hohhot, Inner Mongolia, China<br/><b>Recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Post-COVID-19 Chronic Fatigue Syndrome</strong> - <b>Conditions</b>:   Post-COVID-19 Syndrome;   Post-COVID Syndrome<br/><b>Intervention</b>:   Drug: Synthetic Vitamin B1<br/><b>Sponsors</b>:   ClinAmygate;   As-Salam Center, Maadi, Cairo, Egypt<br/><b>Not yet recruiting</b></p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>The COPE Study: Pilot Intervention to Improve Symptom Self-management and Coping in Adults With Post COVID</strong> - <b>Conditions</b>:   Post COVID-19 Condition;   Post-COVID-19 Syndrome<br/><b>Intervention</b>:   Behavioral: 6-Week Self-Management Group<br/><b>Sponsor</b>:   University of Washington<br/><b>Not yet recruiting</b></p></li>
</ul>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-pubmed">From PubMed</h1>
<ul>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Testosterone suppression combined with high dose estrogen as potential treatment of SARS-CoV-2. A mini review</strong> - No abstract</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>The Biological Causes and Consequences of COVID-19: ACE I/D Polymorphism and In-Silico Screening of Potential Bioactive Phytochemicals Against COVID-19</strong> - No abstract</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Insulin may promote SARS-CoV-2 cell entry and replication in diabetes patients</strong> - No abstract</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>The Oral Cavity Potentially Serving as a Reservoir for SARS-CoV-2 but Not Necessarily Facilitating the Spread of COVID-19 in Dental Practice</strong> - No abstract</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>The effectiveness of the intermediate and therapeutic doses of enoxaparin in COVID-19 patients: A comparative study of factor Xa inhibition</strong> - No abstract</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Cross-Clade Memory Immunity in Adults Following SARS-CoV-1 Infection in 2003</strong> - No abstract</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Therapeutic role of mTOR inhibitors in control of SARS-CoV-2 viral replication</strong> - No abstract</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>A commentary on the use of pharmacoenhancers in the pharmaceutical industry and the implication for DMPK drug discovery strategies</strong> - No abstract</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Possible Therapeutic Targets from Derivatives of Natural Marine Products Based on PI3K/AKT Dependent Inhibitors in Viral Infection COVID-19</strong> - No abstract</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>In silico evaluation of potential intervention against SARS-CoV-2 RNA-dependent RNA polymerase</strong> - No abstract</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Effective vaccination strategy using SARS-CoV-2 spike cocktail against Omicron and other variants of concern</strong> - No abstract</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>UGTs-mediated metabolic interactions contribute to enhanced anti-inflammation activity of Jinhongtang</strong> - No abstract</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Nsp1 proteins of human coronaviruses HCoV-OC43 and SARS-CoV2 inhibit stress granule formation</strong> - No abstract</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Identification of anti-SARS-CoV-2 agents based on flavor/fragrance compositions that inhibit the interaction between the virus receptor binding domain and human angiotensin converting enzyme 2</strong> - No abstract</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Guanidinium-Perfunctionalized Polyhedral Oligomeric Silsesquioxanes as Highly Potent Antimicrobials against Planktonic Microbes, Biofilms, and Coronavirus</strong> - No abstract</p></li>
</ul>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-patent-search">From Patent Search</h1>
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<h1 data-aos="fade-down" id="daily-dose">Daily-Dose</h1>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" data-aos-anchor-placement="top-bottom" id="contents">Contents</h1>
<ul>
<li><a href="#from-new-yorker">From New Yorker</a></li>
<li><a href="#from-vox">From Vox</a></li>
<li><a href="#from-the-hindu-sports">From The Hindu: Sports</a></li>
<li><a href="#from-the-hindu-national-news">From The Hindu: National News</a></li>
<li><a href="#from-bbc-europe">From BBC: Europe</a></li>
<li><a href="#from-ars-technica">From Ars Technica</a></li>
<li><a href="#from-jokes-subreddit">From Jokes Subreddit</a></li>
</ul>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-new-yorker">From New Yorker</h1>
<ul>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>The Extremely Muddled G.O.P. Logic Behind Moore v. Harper</strong> - In the oral arguments, anyway, it looked like the Four Seasons Total Landscaping of legal cases. - <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/the-extremely-muddled-gop-logic-behind-moore-v-harper">link</a></p></li>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Kyrsten Sinema and the Fantasy of the Political Lone Wolf</strong> - Surely there’s some electoral calculation behind the Arizona senator’s decision to leave the Democratic Party, but the timing is especially confusing. - <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/news/the-political-scene/the-political-mystery-of-kyrsten-sinema">link</a></p></li>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Whom Do Credit-Card-Rewards Programs Really Reward?</strong> - The Durbin-Marshall bill targets a system of inflated fees that swell the profits of the country’s biggest banks. - <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/whom-do-credit-card-rewards-programs-really-reward">link</a></p></li>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Washington Needs a Crypto Rethink</strong> - The spectacular demise of Sam Bankman-Fried and his trading platform should change the debate about the regulation of digital assets. - <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/news/our-columnists/washington-needs-a-crypto-rethink">link</a></p></li>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>The Latest Political Humiliation for Donald Trump</strong> - The decision by the January 6th committee to recommend criminal prosecution for the former President is unprecedented in American history. - <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/the-latest-political-humiliation-for-donald-trump">link</a></p></li>
</ul>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-vox">From Vox</h1>
<ul>
<li><strong>The far-right threat to liberal democracy in Europe, explained</strong> -
<figure>
<img alt="" src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/Iq7SO24MMHPzq3OjasuajXSoZeg=/433x0:3900x2600/1310x983/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_image/image/71776604/GettyImages_1243426773a.0.jpg"/>
<figcaption>
From left, Matteo Salvini, Silvio Berlusconi, Giorgia Meloni, and Maurizio Lupi attend a joint rally of Italy’s coalition of far-right and right-wing parties in Rome on September 22, ahead of the September 25 general election, when Meloni was elected prime minister. | Alberto Pizzoli/AFP via Getty Images
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
Five countries to watch as the European right made new gains in 2022.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="xZVYUx">
2022 was a good year for the far right in Europe.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="mKdv1l">
Although Marine Le Pen, the leader of France’s radical right, did not win the presidential election, she <a href="https://www.vox.com/23032713/macron-le-pen-debate-french-elections-april-24">came a lot closer</a> this time, while her party won a record number of seats in the parliamentary elections. In Sweden, the once marginal and marginalized <a href="https://www.dw.com/en/swedish-election-the-astonishing-rise-of-the-right-wing-sweden-democrats/a-63100694">Sweden Democrats</a> became the biggest right-wing party and a crucial support party of the new right-wing coalition. In Italy, Giorgia Meloni became the first female prime minister of Italy and the <a href="https://www.vox.com/2022/9/24/23369572/italy-election-meloni-brothers-of-italy-far-right">first far-right prime minister</a> in postwar Western Europe. And the arrest of more than two dozen people <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2022/12/13/germany-coup-reichsbrger-nazis/">planning a coup in Germany</a> is an important reminder that the far-right threat to democracy does not only come from political parties.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="R4Gk9q">
Why has the European far right been so successful? And how worried should we be about its threat to liberal democracy in Europe?
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="QqodRP">
Ever since Adolf Hitler’s rise to power in Weimar Germany in the 1930s, amid the Great Depression, it has been common to link political and economic crises to the rise of the far right. But the <a href="https://www.vox.com/world/2022/9/24/23366464/italy-elections-meloni-sweden-europe-far-right">contemporary far right in Europe</a> is neither a product of crises nor of the success of former President Donald Trump in the US.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="WSKDjG">
In fact, far-right parties have been slowly but steadily increasing their electoral support and political power in Europe since the early 1980s. Over that time, they have moved from the political margins into the political mainstream. As a consequence, far-right parties currently constitute the biggest threat to liberal democracy in Europe.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="gFBtUq">
Five European countries in particular (but not exclusively) deserve attention on this front. Going from the most to the least acute level of threat, the world should keep an eye on <a href="https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2018/9/13/17823488/hungary-democracy-authoritarianism-trump">Hungary</a>, Poland, Italy, Sweden, and France. In all these countries, far-right parties are electorally successful and politically powerful, though their ability to weaken liberal democracy varies.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="LUnkdE">
If liberal democracy is to defend itself, it’s imperative that we examine why the far right has become so successful in the West. What right-wing appeals have worked on electorates? Which parties and personalities loom especially large in the coming years? And why is all this happening now?
</p>
<h3 id="vZ56jA">
Why has the far right been so successful recently?
</h3>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="81Yh2k">
Since the end of the Second World War, far-right parties have been contesting elections across Western Europe. But it wasn’t until this century that they began to move from the fringes to the mainstream.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="GfsSwd">
The emergence of the European political far right in the postwar era can be thought of in four waves.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="uPLy01">
In the first wave, roughly 1945-55, these parties were neo-fascist and electorally insignificant — with the notable exception of the Italian Social Movement (MSI), the predecessor of Brothers of Italy (FdI), the party of Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="Bbe3AM">
The second wave of right-wing populism, 1955-80, consisted of a heterogeneous group of so-called “flash parties,” which scored relatively big electoral results out of nowhere and then disappeared into political oblivion one or two elections later. The best example is the Union and French Fraternity (UFF), which gained almost 13 percent of the vote and 52 seats in the 1956 French legislative election, only to again disappear as quickly as they had appeared.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="iqZKd7">
It was only in the third wave, 1980-2000, that far-right parties started to break into national parliaments in various European countries, such as the <a href="https://www.brookings.edu/research/the-new-right-austrias-freedom-party-and-changing-perceptions-of-islam/">Austrian Freedom Party</a> (FPÖ) and the misleadingly named Center Party (CP) in the Netherlands. These <a href="https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/populist-radical-right-parties-in-europe/244D86C50E6D1DC44C86C4D1D313F16D">populist radical right</a> parties shared a core ideology of nativism, authoritarianism, and populism. Although not strictly single-issue parties, they mostly profited from a growing political dissatisfaction that centered in particular on immigration.
</p>
<figure class="e-image">
<img alt=" " src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/PphTjU56gK3loxqMKStJAB3pkOM=/800x0/filters:no_upscale()/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_asset/file/24303398/GettyImages_1591187a.jpg"/> <cite>Sean Gallup/Liaison Agency via Getty Images</cite>
<figcaption>
A sign reading “Give this government no chance!” is seen in a crowd of as many as 250,000 people in Vienna, Austria, on February 19, 2000, to protest Austria’s new coalition government, which included the far-right Freedom Party (FPÖ). The FPÖ ran on a xenophobic and anti-European platform.
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="YVLoKk">
That paved the way for <a href="https://www.wiley.com/en-us/The+Far+Right+Today-p-9781509536856">the fourth wave</a> at the beginning of the century, in which far-right parties moved from the political margins into the political mainstream and increased their electoral support, from an average of just 1 percent of the vote in EU member states in the 1980s to close to 10 percent in the 2010s. (It’s worth noting that the support of individual parties varies massively; recently, for example, from less than 1 percent for parties in Ireland to over 50 percent for <a href="https://www.vox.com/world/2018/12/17/18144648/hungary-protest-orban-labor-democracy">Fidesz in Hungary</a> — the latter achieved in free but unfair elections.)
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="wDjlTP">
Most of the relevant parties in this fourth wave are part of the same populist radical right subgroup, focusing primarily on issues like crime, corruption, and immigration. Unlike the extreme right, which consists of a broad variety of small, neo-fascist parties — parties that, in terms of ideology and symbols, hark back to the fascist movements of the early 20th century<strong> </strong>— the radical right supports democracy per se. That is, they support popular sovereignty and majority rule, while opposing key institutions and values of liberal democracy, such as an independent judiciary and media, minority rights, pluralism, and the separation of powers.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="8hpSId">
Decades of mainstreaming of radical right frames and policies have led to further radicalization of some these parties, which has blurred the boundaries between the radical and extreme right; for example, the Alternative for Germany (AfD) and the Forum for Democracy (FvD) in the Netherlands. Both parties combine nativist opposition to immigration and populist rejection of the establishment with more or less open historical revisionism — e.g., <a href="https://www.dw.com/en/afds-gauland-plays-down-nazi-era-as-a-bird-shit-in-german-history/a-44055213">Alexander Gauland</a>, the former AfD co-chair, said that “Hitler and the Nazis are just bird shit in more than 1,000 years of successful German history” — and thinly veiled support for political violence. One <a href="https://www.dutchnews.nl/news/2021/11/mps-struggle-to-deal-with-forums-increasingly-extreme-standpoints/">FvD MP threatened</a> a mainstream politician with “tribunals” over Covid-19 policies.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="9NTpJX">
Although far-right parties existed in many Western European countries in the decades after World War II, they only started to challenge the political mainstream in the 1980s. The economic and social upheavals of the 1960s had set in motion various structural processes, such as deindustrialization and secularization, that not just changed the electorate but also eroded longstanding ties between voter groups and political parties.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="0oFsId">
This dealignment, as well as changing priorities and values, created opportunities for parties that focused more on socio-cultural (or so-called “identity”) than socio-economic issues. As the main traditional parties had converged on socio-economic policies and took relatively moderate or weak positions on socio-cultural issues, far-right parties saw an opportunity. Their main issues were all related to opposition to integration: of countries (European integration), of markets (neoliberalism), and of people (multiculturalism).
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="eHEtCf">
In the wake of the terrorist attacks of 9/11, far-right parties grew not only in electoral support but also in political relevance. On many socio-cultural issues, the far right constitutes the main electoral and ideological challenge to the status quo, which has been severely weakened by the unprecedented string of crises in the still-young century — the terrorism attacks of 9/11, the Great Recession, the refugee crisis of the mid-2010s, the Covid-19 pandemic, and now the Russian re-invasion of Ukraine.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="4GPVUz">
In other words, what we’ve seen these last few years is the cresting of a wave that’s been building for decades.
</p>
<h3 id="tyiPEh">
Five countries to watch
</h3>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="SHDL3j">
The right-wing incursion into the European political mainstream isn’t a uniform phenomenon across the continent. Some countries have withstood the emergence of far-right parties; others have been engulfed. But five countries provide a particular insight into the far-right threat to liberal democracy on the wider continent.
</p>
<h4 id="2C7Prj">
Hungary
</h4>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="JLFTuV">
Fidesz leader Viktor Orbán was initially among the most unlikely East European politicians to become a threat to liberal democracy. After all, Fidesz was founded as a libertarian, pro-Western party in 1988, and Orbán was a darling of the Western political establishment in the early 1990s.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="bqD1zD">
Today, he is the <a href="https://www.vox.com/2020/5/21/21256324/viktor-orban-hungary-american-conservatives">hero of the European and US far right</a> alike, hailed as the protector of Christianity, European culture, and the traditional family. Orbán’s story is in many ways a microcosm of a two-way dynamic — the radicalization of the mainstream right, as well as the mainstreaming of the far right — that is threatening many European countries today.
</p>
<figure class="e-image">
<img alt=" " src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/v4R79tlfQSnex88DsxwLJ-maNkg=/800x0/filters:no_upscale()/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_asset/file/24303092/GettyImages_1412936669a.jpg"/> <cite>Brandon Bell/Getty Images</cite>
<figcaption>
Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán speaks at the Conservative Political Action Conference in Dallas, Texas, on August 4.
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="pWEoHl">
After disappointing elections in 1990 and 1994, Orbán transformed Fidesz into a conservative party, winning the 1998 elections. Although his first coalition government was not especially alarming, his authoritarianism and nationalism were already on display in those early years. His response to his loss of power in 2002, when he declared that “the nation cannot be in opposition,” and his support for violent anti-government protests in 2006, should have been clear red flags, but were mostly ignored.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="3FqTvJ">
Fidesz used the time in opposition to build so-called “civic circles” and non-government organizations (including media outlets), which functioned as a state within the state. After coming back to power in 2010, Orbán used this infrastructure, and the party’s constitutional majority, to quickly implement a well-designed <a href="https://www.buzzsprout.com/1134467/11552477">transformation of the political system</a>, including a new constitution, a replacement of most key state personnel, and myriad new, <a href="https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2018/9/13/17823488/hungary-democracy-authoritarianism-trump">Fidesz-controlled, semi-state institutions</a>, which now control and own almost all <a href="https://apnews.com/article/budapest-hungary-viktor-orban-newspapers-europe-39028d9c44b64e08a6609b60a8bf7a13">Hungarian media outlets</a> and <a href="https://apnews.com/article/hungary-business-government-and-politics-europe-education-9b76dce30164e77be1c3a2fe47db8bfa">many universities</a>.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="abxPfE">
Fidesz had returned to power with a fairly vague pro-change message and initially implemented a relatively mainstream, if openly nationalist, conservative agenda. Although the government claimed to support a free market, it used state funds to buy up foreign-owned companies and industries and build a “<a href="https://jacobin.com/2018/03/viktor-orban-hungary-fidesz-authoritarian-opposition">national capitalist class</a>,” which is deeply loyal to Fidesz and Orbán. At the same time, the government passed socially conservative policies in ostensible defense of<strong> </strong>the nationalist trifecta of church, family, and nation.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="i8lK5p">
During the refugee crisis of 2015-16, Orbán shifted to a more aggressive and openly nativist agenda. Not only did his government build a high-tech <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2015/08/25/world/europe/migrants-push-toward-hungary-as-a-border-fence-rises.html">border fence</a> to keep immigrants — especially Muslim immigrants — out of the country, it also introduced a variety of socio-economic <a href="https://apnews.com/article/aleksandar-vucic-immigration-hungary-andrej-babis-business-279dfc17b13340e0bc272717cf75b768">“pro-family” policies</a>, like tax breaks for families, in a bid to reverse Hungary’s notoriously low birth rates and prevent the country from becoming dependent upon non-European immigrants.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="j4rGu2">
Although Hungary is no longer a liberal democracy — in September, the European Parliament declared the country an “<a href="https://www.euronews.com/my-europe/2022/09/15/hungary-is-no-longer-a-full-democracy-but-an-electoral-autocracy-meps-declare-in-new-repor">electoral autocracy</a>” — and elections are free but unfair, Orbán and Fidesz are popular. In particular, his anti-immigration and “pro-family” policies have broad support, as do government investments in rural areas. However, he is also helped by a hopelessly divided opposition and complete control of the media, which provide a distorted view of the international and national opposition, while staying quiet on the <a href="https://www.pbs.org/newshour/world/hungary-faces-financial-reckoning-with-eu-over-corruption-charges">massive corruption</a> of the Orbàn regime.
</p>
<h4 id="f0UzSu">
Poland
</h4>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="32ekhJ">
The story of Poland is similar to that of Hungary, but less pronounced — so far. The current ruling party, Law and Justice (PiS), has its roots in anti-communist opposition and moved from the center to the far right over two decades.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="8XntBk">
Its first coalition government (2005-07) did raise some alarms, although mostly because of its coalition partners, the agrarian populist Samoobrona and, particularly, the radical right League of Polish Families (LPR). Both parties were openly nationalist and populist, and even faced accusations of antisemitism.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="b3Qctz">
When PiS returned to power in 2015, it promised to implement “<a href="https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/oct/21/poland-election-rightwing-populist-win">the Budapest model</a>” in Warsaw, a nod to Orban’s platform.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="633bGc">
Like Fidesz in Hungary, PiS has turned the state media into an instrument for party propaganda and attacked the independent judiciary. It has also combined a socio-economic agenda that includes generous subsidies for larger families and rural communities, but it has not (yet) tried to create a Fidesz-style “national capitalist class.” Culturally, PiS staunchly defends the so-called “traditional family” and opposes LGBTQ rights, often in close collaboration with the Catholic Church.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="dUnSOG">
In terms of foreign policy, the differences between the two parties are much bigger. PiS is more fundamentally Euroskeptic, because of a deep-seated anti-German attitude, and is more staunchly pro-US and anti-Russian. And PiS leader Jarosław Kaczyński is almost the opposite of Viktor Orbán, being more a behind-the-scenes power broker and showing little interest in becoming a major European player.
</p>
<figure class="e-image">
<img alt=" " src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/uhI2KDQ3nqhSJ_TrnnhUnivROhw=/800x0/filters:no_upscale()/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_asset/file/24303075/GettyImages_1244886484a.jpg"/> <cite>Artur Widak/NurPhoto via Getty Images</cite>
<figcaption>
Jaroslaw Kaczynski, the chair of Poland’s ruling PiS party, speaks during a meeting with his party supporters in Wadowice, Poland, on November 12.
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="tD1NN6">
Partly because PiS is the leading party of the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR), the Euroskeptic group founded by the British Conservative Party, its crude attacks on liberal democracy have faced significantly more backlash from the EU. The party also faces much stronger opposition from both civil society and political parties in Poland, at least compared to Fidesz in Hungary. This became particularly visible in 2020, when the government further tightened its abortion ban, already the second strictest in the EU (after Malta), and over 100,000 Polish women flooded the streets of Warsaw in <a href="https://www.cnn.com/2020/10/31/europe/poland-abortion-protests-scli-intl/index.html">protest</a>.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="VhudCf">
Polish liberal democracy has been weakened by seven years of PiS rule, but recent events suggest it is still alive and kicking back.
</p>
<h4 id="PnTN9P">
Italy
</h4>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="VfoHON">
Italy has had consistent far-right parliamentary representation in the postwar era, but it was Silvio Berlusconi — prime minister in 1994, 2001-06, and 2008-11 — who moved the far right out of the margins, creating a center-right bloc with the post-fascists of the National Alliance (AN) and the regional populists of the Northern League (LN) in 1994.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="LXFyC4">
For 20 years, his Forza Italia (FI) dominated that bloc, a coalition that was defined more by Berlusconi’s personal interests, as well as a vocal critique of the left (including the “<a href="https://www.reuters.com/article/us-italy-berlusconi/silvio-berlusconi-says-communist-judges-out-to-destroy-him-idUSTRE59R1JX20091028">red robes</a>,” judges overseeing various corruption cases against the prime minister), than by any specific ideological or policy platform. But in 2018 Matteo Salvini’s radicalized Lega became the biggest right-wing party — only to lose that position to Giorgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy (FdI) in 2022.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="Mh9Jld">
Meloni is both the first female prime minister of Italy and the first far-right prime minister of a Western European country in the postwar era. But her power base is much weaker than her allies in Hungary and Poland. There are more profound ideological differences within Italy’s coalition. For instance, while the League originated as a regionalist party for the North, at times even calling for independence from Italy, FdI supports a strongly unitary Italian state. And where FdI and the League are both strongly Euroskeptic, Berlusconi has presented himself more recently as one of the strongest EU supporters within the country.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="9blGjc">
Competing egos and mutual distrust threaten the coalition even more. Neither Berlusconi nor Salvini will accept a secondary role, let alone to a woman, and will not support a power grab by Meloni. For instance, during the coalition negotiations Berlusconi accused Meloni of being “<a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/oct/16/italy-berlusconi-calls-meloni-patronising-and-bossy-as-relations-fray">bossy</a>” (a highly gendered accusation), while Meloni has accused Salvini of being “<a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/europe/italys-meloni-clashes-with-ally-salvini-over-energy-crisis-2022-09-15/">more polemical</a>” with her than with his opponents.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="cUmo7u">
Italy’s judiciary also has a long history of fighting political interference from the right, most notably Berlusconi. So, while the Italian far right is in power and worth keeping an eye on, it is doubtful it can do similar damage to the institutions and values of liberal democracy as its ideological brethren to the East.
</p>
<h4 id="6C2b5a">
Sweden
</h4>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="HwFcub">
For a long time, its neo-Nazi origins and low electoral support made it easy for Sweden’s traditional parties to both exclude and ignore the Sweden Democrats (SD).
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="2KXOkA">
This started to change after 2014, when the party gained the third most seats in parliamentary elections. Four years later, the SD had become so strong that neither the center-left nor the center-right bloc could form a coalition government by itself, creating a <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/sep/10/swedish-left-and-right-stake-claims-to-form-next-government">political impasse</a>, and a combination of weak governments. Since then, favorite SD issues like crime and immigration, combined in the far-right frame of “immigrant crime,” have become even more mainstreamed, and the traditional right has opened the door to official collaboration.
</p>
<figure class="e-image">
<img alt=" " src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/9x9DFlUJd43N1ih_qEZV8FUwk9k=/800x0/filters:no_upscale()/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_asset/file/24303060/GettyImages_1243143428a.jpg"/> <cite>Jonathan Nackstrand/AFP via Getty Images</cite>
<figcaption>
Supporters of the Sweden Democrats cheer on election night in Nacka, Sweden, after hearing exit poll results on September 11.
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="oiqwSe">
In October, a right-wing minority government was formed, which depends formally on the parliamentary support of the SD, whose influence can be seen in the <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/world/2022/oct/14/swedish-parties-agree-coalition-with-backing-of-far-right">lengthy coalition agreement</a>. However, all power still rests in the hands of formally liberal democratic politicians, even if these politicians have radicalized sharply to the right in recent years. Consequently, the far-right threat comes primarily from traditional right-wing parties, for the moment.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="ALz4l9">
Still, it is doubtful that Sweden’s right-wing parties, both traditional and radical, will go much beyond more authoritarian and nativist politics, as all seem invested and supportive of the political system.
</p>
<h4 id="AYrwch">
France
</h4>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="euDOgc">
The National Front (FN) is the prototype of the modern populist radical right party.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="CnFL4E">
For decades, the party, and its charismatic leader Jean-Marie Le Pen, dominated the European far right. As far as there was regional collaboration between far-right parties, it was under the initiative and leadership of Le Pen.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="zChb9m">
The FN had little to no parliamentary representation, but its political influence was obvious: already in the 1990s, French politicians of all traditional parties copied its issues, frames, and positions on immigration. From the left to the right, parties started to oppose what they called “mass immigration” and framed migrants (particularly Muslim) as a threat to the French nation. Echoing long-standing FN propaganda, right-wing president Nikolas Sarkozy even declared multiculturalism in France a “<a href="https://www.france24.com/en/20110210-multiculturalism-failed-immigration-sarkozy-live-broadcast-tf1-france-public-questions">failure</a>” in 2011.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="ef1Ayc">
This drift has continued under Marine Le Pen, who replaced her father in 2011, and renamed the party as National Rally (RN) in 2018. Although remaining loyal to the party’s ideological core, she launched a successful “<a href="https://www.france24.com/en/france/20220804-how-le-pen-s-far-right-party-went-from-de-demonisation-to-normalisation">de-demonization</a>” campaign, which helped to further mainstream and normalize her ideas and party.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="bU2FXy">
Even President Emmanuel Macron, elected after an anti-Le Pen campaign in 2017, has since adopted important parts of her propaganda, including in his campaign against <a href="https://www.thelocal.fr/20210217/islamo-gauchisme-what-does-it-mean-and-why-is-it-controversial-in-france/">Islamo-gauchisme</a> or Islamo-leftism, a moniker given to the conspiracy theory that French Islamists and radical leftists work together to undermine the institutions and values of the republic. So, although Le Pen and the RN are still excluded from governing <a href="https://www.vox.com/2022/4/24/23039772/french-election-macron-le-pen-france-future-politics#:~:text=the%20unspoken%20rule%20of%20the%20cordon%20sanitaire">by a cordon sanitaire</a>, and can therefore not directly challenge or change the main institutions of French liberal democracy, they have been able to partly redefine what “liberty, equality, fraternity,” as well as laicité (separation of state and church), mean in France.
</p>
<h3 id="FzeAbG">
How worried should we be?
</h3>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="FDA7Ix">
The electoral far right constitutes a significant threat to liberal democracy in Europe, but the threat varies significantly across the continent. No doubt, the biggest threat comes when one far-right party holds a constitutional majority, as in Hungary, where democracy has been, for all intents and purposes, destroyed.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="3Ln7qI">
When the far right lacks a constitutional majority, it can still do a lot of damage, but faces larger legal and political hurdles, as in Poland. When it is in government, but internally divided, as in Italy, mutual distrust will likely prevent most ostensive damage, but ideology and intimidation can still cause less visible harms.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="wcE3sW">
In most European countries, however, the main impact is indirect, through the co-optation of the far-right agenda or the collaboration with far-right parties — by, mostly but not exclusively, mainstream right-wing parties — as is happening in France and Sweden, for example. What makes this process particularly problematic is that it is often not perceived as far-right or threatening; within the political establishment, many might deny or minimize cries of authoritarianism or nativism among insiders.
</p>
<figure class="e-image">
<img alt=" " src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/puuiiCrZ8a0BR0913GzSi_-IIWQ=/800x0/filters:no_upscale()/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_asset/file/24303233/AP22338307109318a.jpg"/> <cite>Christophe Ena/AP</cite>
<figcaption>
French far-right leader Marine Le Pen, center, and newly-elected National Rally party parliament members gather for a photo at the National Assembly in Paris on June 22.
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="Qi95E2">
While it is important to not exaggerate the threat — doing so only increases its power — we should recognize that most far-right parties have only relatively recently become part of the mainstream political process. They often lack the experience and skills to fundamentally change the system and many fail in their first attempt in power. But they learn from previous mistakes, and decades of mainstreaming and normalization helps them gain more experienced and skilled people.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="EgFt1V">
Similarly, far-right parties are collaborating more actively and effectively cross-nationally and cross-regionally (including with the US), learning from each other, protecting each other, and increasing their capacity to govern.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="RLGXnQ">
In other words, the far-right threat to European liberal democracy is real, but there is also still time to fight off the worst consequences — outside of Hungary, that is.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="Hffw34">
<a href="https://spia.uga.edu/faculty-member/cas-mudde/"><em>Cas Mudde</em></a><em> is the Stanley Wade Shelton UGAF professor of international affairs and a distinguished research professor at the University of Georgia, as well as a professor at the </em><a href="https://www.sv.uio.no/c-rex/english/"><em>Center for Research on Extremism</em></a><em> (C-REX) of the University of Oslo. </em><a href="https://global.oup.com/academic/product/populism-a-very-short-introduction-9780190234874?cc=us&amp;lang=en&amp;"></a><a href="https://www.wiley.com/en-us/The+Far+Right+Today-p-9781509536856"></a><a href="https://www.aftonbladet.se/av/cas-mudde"></a><a href="https://www.theguardian.com/profile/cas-mudde"></a><a href="https://www.radikaalpodcast.com/"></a>
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="2ChpQz">
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="SNd2tz">
</p></li>
<li><strong>Sotomayor and Kagan need to think about retiring</strong> -
<figure>
<img alt="" src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/Jh5B_9RsXymH0PRadp0gh5JqElo=/394x0:3319x2194/1310x983/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_image/image/71776482/AP853447231932b.0.jpg"/>
<figcaption>
Supreme Court Justices Elena Kagan, Sonia Sotomayor, and Ruth Bader Ginsburg attend an annual Women’s History Month reception at the Capitol in 2015. | Pablo Martinez Monsivais/AP
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
The US Senate is a fundamentally broken institution. Democratic judges need to account for that in their retirement decisions.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="Us70VH">
We have now lived with the consequences of Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s late-life arrogance for more than two years.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="cVASwP">
In 2014, President Barack Obama was in office and Democrats controlled the Senate, empowering them to confirm a new justice if Justice Ginsburg had left the Supreme Court. Ginsburg was a two-time cancer survivor in her 80s, the oldest member of a 5-4 Court where the <a href="https://www.vox.com/2022/6/24/23181720/supreme-court-dobbs-jackson-womens-health-samuel-alito-roe-wade-abortion-marriage-contraception">right to an abortion</a> — and perhaps even the <a href="https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2022/12/4/23481063/supreme-court-moore-harper-independent-state-legislature">right to vote in reasonably fair elections</a> — teetered on a knife’s edge.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="ViNKJ1">
When she died in the final months of the Trump presidency, Ginsburg told her granddaughters her last desire: “My most fervent wish is that <a href="https://www.nbcnews.com/politics/supreme-court/ruth-bader-ginsburg-s-dying-wish-not-have-donald-trump-n1240507">I will not be replaced until a new president is installed</a>.” It amounted to nothing. Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s seat on the Supreme Court, a seat that until recently belonged to the <a href="https://www.vox.com/2020/9/18/20917757/justice-ginsburg-ruth-bader-ginsburg-dies">greatest women’s rights lawyer in American history</a>, is now <a href="https://www.vox.com/21446700/amy-coney-barrett-trump-supreme-court">held by her ideological opposite</a>.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="jvvvBi">
Now, eight years later, the question arises: Should Justices Sonia Sotomayor and Elena Kagan, 68 and 62, respectively, do what Ginsburg would not?
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="o2LlqM">
Both justices are much younger than Ginsburg was in 2014. There are no reports that either is in ill health (although Sotomayor <a href="https://www.npr.org/2011/06/21/137328180/sotomayor-opens-up-about-diabetes">has diabetes</a>, she’s managed that condition nearly her entire life). Realistically, both justices could probably look forward to a decade or more of judicial service if they desire it. But even a mighty Supreme Court justice cannot overcome the merciless math facing Democrats in a <a href="https://www.vox.com/2021/1/6/22215728/senate-anti-democratic-one-number-raphael-warnock-jon-ossoff-georgia-runoffs">malapportioned Senate</a> that effectively gives extra representation to Republicans in small states.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="pvyVuZ">
Barring extraordinary events, Democrats will control the White House and the Senate for the next two years. They are unlikely to control it for longer than that. The 2024 Senate map is <a href="https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/23464862/senate-elections-georgia-runoff-2024-map">so brutal for Democrats</a> that they would likely need to win a landslide in the national popular vote just to break even. Unless they stanch the damage then, <a href="https://fivethirtyeight.com/features/democrats-senate-chances-2024-and-beyond/">some forecasts</a> suggest that Democrats won’t have a realistic shot at a Senate majority until 2030 or 2032. And even those forecasts <a href="https://www.vox.com/the-highlight/23066920/democracy-juneteenth-in-america-is-a-rigged-game">may be too optimistic for Democrats</a>.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="7Kzjxa">
If Sotomayor and Kagan do not retire within the next two years, in other words, they could doom the entire country to live under a 7–2 or even an 8–1 Court controlled by an increasingly radicalized Republican Party’s appointees.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="93aLmQ">
Senate Republicans have made it perfectly clear that they view Supreme Court seats as a political prize that goes to the party that controls both the White House and the Senate. In 2016, when Justice Antonin Scalia’s death created a Supreme Court vacancy during Obama’s final year in office, Republicans invented a new rule claiming that a vacancy that opens in an election year should be <a href="https://www.vox.com/2019/5/29/18644061/mitch-mcconnell-supreme-court-hearings-2020-merrick-garland">filled by the “next president.”</a> They abandoned that made-up rule as soon as it was inconvenient for them, <a href="https://www.vox.com/2020/10/26/21529619/amy-coney-barrett-confirmed-supreme-court">racing to confirm Trump nominee Amy Coney Barrett</a> the week before voters cast Trump out of office.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="TwnZzL">
Meanwhile, the Senate is malapportioned to give extra representation to residents of smaller states dominated by Republicans. In the current, 50-50 Senate, Democratic senators <a href="https://www.vox.com/2021/1/6/22215728/senate-anti-democratic-one-number-raphael-warnock-jon-ossoff-georgia-runoffs">represent nearly 42 million more people</a> than their Republican counterparts. Democrats have a 29-21 seat majority in the 25 most populous states — states that contain nearly 84 percent of the 50 states’ population — while Republicans have an identical 29-21 seat majority in the remaining states.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="ZYfXEb">
Yet there are good reasons for Democrats to worry about a future where Republican justices get to serve for decades, while their Democratic counterparts have to rotate out every time it is possible to replace them with another Democrat. Long-serving justices can develop cult followings that expand their legal and political influence far beyond their one vote, much like <a href="https://www.vox.com/2020/9/18/20917757/justice-ginsburg-ruth-bader-ginsburg-dies">Ginsburg did in life</a>, and as <a href="https://archive.thinkprogress.org/clarence-thomas-most-important-legal-thinker-in-america-c12af3d08c98/">Justice Clarence Thomas has done among the legal right</a>. And justices who serve for a very long time also develop relationships with their colleagues that they can sometimes use to encourage those colleagues to moderate.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="VrtkmT">
If only Republican justices can benefit from longevity, the Court’s right flank will gain yet another structural advantage over its left.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="DRogVp">
But, at some point, the advantages of longevity and experience must yield not just to the Senate’s unforgiving math, but to the mathematics of the Court itself. In the Supreme Court, the only number that truly matters is five. It takes five justices to make a majority that can do literally anything they want to US law.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="z92bYx">
And if Republican appointees capture seven or eight seats on the Supreme Court, it will become effortless for the GOP to find five votes for truly outlandish legal outcomes.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="C0JvZg">
Sotomayor and Kagan will have to look at these risks and counter-risks and make their own calculations — but for the sake of the nation they serve, they cannot simply ignore the very realistic chance that the next two years may give them their only remaining opportunity to leave their seat to someone who shares their liberal democratic values.
</p>
<h3 id="WxnqaM">
Each additional Republican-controlled seat on the Supreme Court endangers more fundamental rights
</h3>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="X443kp">
It is difficult to predict which issues will come before the Court in the coming years, in part because the Court tends to hear more cases brought by conservative activists <a href="https://www.vox.com/2020/7/12/21319929/supreme-court-term-liberals-win-conservative-john-roberts-neil-gorsuch-abortion-daca-guns">as its membership moves rightward</a>. In a world where Sotomayor or Kagan is replaced by a Republican president, the Court could <a href="https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2022/12/4/23481063/supreme-court-moore-harper-independent-state-legislature-doctrine-elections">hear even more cases attacking the right to vote</a>. It could impose <a href="https://www.vox.com/2022/6/30/23189610/supreme-court-epa-west-virginia-clean-power-plan-major-questions-john-roberts">increasingly heavy shackles</a> on Democratic administrations. And it may even strip away more constitutional rights, as it already did with the right to an abortion.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="duxJZi">
The size of the GOP majority on the Court matters because not every Republican-appointed justice is like Samuel Alito, an <a href="https://archive.thinkprogress.org/the-most-partisan-supreme-court-justice-of-all-fd31c58a25aa/">almost unrelenting partisan</a> who will reliably advocate for the GOP’s preferred outcome even when he has to make <a href="https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/20pdf/19-840_6jfm.pdf">weak legal arguments</a> in order to do so. Most justices do approach the law in ways that <a href="https://www.vox.com/2020/6/29/21306895/supreme-court-abortion-chief-justice-john-roberts-stephen-breyer-june-medical-russo">occasionally</a> <a href="https://www.vox.com/2020/6/15/21291515/supreme-court-bostock-clayton-county-lgbtq-neil-gorsuch">disappoint</a> activists within their own political party, even if they don’t do so very often.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="fuePVL">
Indeed, the divide within the Court’s GOP-appointed majority was on full display in what may be the most high-profile case of the past half-century: <a href="https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/21pdf/19-1392_6j37.pdf"><em>Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization</em></a> (2022), the Supreme Court’s decision eliminating the constitutional right to an abortion. That decision produced two competing concurring opinions, both of which point to radically different futures for Americans’ personal and sexual autonomy.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="HXWvi3">
Justice Thomas, for his part, labeled decisions protecting the <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/381/479">right to contraception</a>, the <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/14-556">right to same-sex marriage</a>, and the <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/supct/html/02-102.ZS.html">right of consenting adults to engage in sexual activity</a> as “demonstrably erroneous.” And he claimed that his Court “should reconsider” whether it should continue to protect these rights.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="asdIUB">
Justice Brett Kavanaugh wrote a separate opinion where he seemed to disclaim any interest in Thomas’s project. Pointing to many of the same cases that Thomas threatened to toss out, Kavanaugh wrote that “overruling Roe does not mean the overruling of those precedents, and does not threaten or cast doubt on those precedents.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="QDXU9k">
In part because no other justice joined either Thomas’s or Kavanaugh’s <em>Dobbs </em>concurrence, it is difficult to pin down where every member of the Court falls between them, but at least some of the Court’s Republican appointees have signaled that they share at least some of Thomas’s desire to tear away existing rights.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="PbZJvH">
Alito’s dissent in <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/14-556#writing-14-556_DISSENT_7"><em>Obergefell v. Hodges</em></a> (2015), the marriage equality decision, tracks the reasoning of his majority opinion in <em>Dobbs</em> so closely that it’s hard to imagine that he would not vote to overrule <em>Obergefell</em> if given the chance. Similarly, Justice Neil Gorsuch dissented from the Court’s decision in <a href="https://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=17574779299286033070&amp;hl=en&amp;as_sdt=6&amp;as_vis=1&amp;oi=scholarr"><em>Pavan v. Smith</em></a> (2017), which rejected an attempt to water down <em>Obergefell</em>’s holding that same-sex couples are entitled to marry “on the same terms and conditions as opposite-sex couples.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="WNJUf5">
Barrett, meanwhile, has largely played her cards close to her chest since joining the Court. But, as a law professor, she signed a 2015 letter to Catholic bishops <a href="https://www.vox.com/21446700/amy-coney-barrett-trump-supreme-court">endorsing the church’s anti-LGBTQ position</a> on “marriage and family founded on the indissoluble commitment of a man and a woman.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="EQmJqn">
Realistically, in other words, there are almost certainly at least two votes — and potentially as many as four votes — on the current Court to overrule <em>Obergefell</em>. That means that the constitutional right to marry whoever you choose could be in danger if Republicans gain just one more seat on the Court.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="iWCy3l">
Even more troublingly, the Supreme Court has spent the past several years <a href="https://www.vox.com/23180634/supreme-court-rule-of-law-abortion-voting-rights-guns-epa">concentrating power within itself</a>. It invented a legal doctrine known as “major questions,” for example, which is <a href="https://www.vox.com/2022/6/30/23189610/supreme-court-epa-west-virginia-clean-power-plan-major-questions-john-roberts">mentioned nowhere in the Constitution or in any statute</a>, and which in effect enables the Court to veto any federal regulation that five justices dislike. That means that a Court with five justices from the GOP’s far right wing could tear through the Code of Federal Regulation, even if relatively restrained justices like Kavanaugh or Barrett vote to keep it mostly intact.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="3j820p">
Similarly, at December’s oral arguments in <a href="https://www.scotusblog.com/case-files/cases/moore-v-harper-2/"><em>Moore v. Harper</em></a>, a majority of the Court seemed likely to give itself the power to <a href="https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2022/12/7/23498507/supreme-court-moore-harper-amy-coney-barrett-democracy-voting-rights-north-carolina">overrule a state supreme court’s interpretation of the state’s own election law</a>, at least in “outrageous” cases when five justices believe that the state mangled its own interpretation of its law. But the question of what constitutes an “outrageous” case will have to be determined by each justice, and several members of the Court have already signaled that they would <a href="https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/20pdf/20-542_i3dj.pdf">set the bar very low</a>.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="G4Kh6e">
On the current Court, the six-justice Republican majority has <a href="https://www.vox.com/22545464/supreme-court-winners-losers-democracy-voting-rights-obamacare-republican-samuel-alito">largely split into two factions</a>. Thomas, Alito, and Gorsuch make up a deeply reactionary bloc who demand avulsive changes to the law on the fastest possible timeline.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="8vWYZ2">
Meanwhile, Chief Justice John Roberts, Kavanaugh, and Barrett make up a faction that favors most of the same policy outcomes pushed by the Alito bloc, but with some significant exceptions. Kavanaugh, for example, wanted no part of an opinion Alito wrote that, in Kavanaugh’s words, would insert the judiciary “into the Navy’s chain of command, <a href="https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/21pdf/21a477_1bo2.pdf">overriding military commanders’ professional military judgments</a>.” This middle bloc of justices also tends to move more incrementally, sometimes pushing to achieve the conservative movement’s preferred outcomes over a timeline of years rather than a few months.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="QIB2ZB">
But there are good reasons to fear that future Republican appointees to the Supreme Court will look more like Thomas and Alito than like Roberts or Kavanaugh. One is that Trump largely had to look to judges appointed by President George W. Bush to find candidates for the Supreme Court, and the median Bush judge was much more moderate than the typical Trump judge. The next Republican president, by contrast, will have a wide array of <a href="https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2019/12/9/20962980/trump-supreme-court-federal-judges">deeply reactionary Trump appointees</a> to choose from — judges like <a href="https://www.vox.com/2020/3/11/21173437/trump-judge-neomi-rao-mueller-grand-jury-dc-circuit">Neomi Rao</a>, <a href="https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2022/12/20/23517050/supreme-court-fifth-circuit-habeas-corpus-criminal-justice-andy-oldham-crawford-cain">Andrew Oldham</a>, or <a href="https://archive.thinkprogress.org/james-ho-campaign-finance-hack-70a2ce3477bc/">James Ho</a>, who make Brett Kavanaugh look like Bernie Sanders.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="WXaHNg">
In a world with seven or eight Republican Supreme Court justices, in other words, the Court will likely intrude into more and more areas of American life where it has no expertise and no lawful mandate to do so. It will dismantle rights that millions of Americans depend on. And it is likely to manipulate the electoral system to keep the Court’s ideological allies in elected office.
</p>
<h3 id="b97SXS">
The price of early retirements
</h3>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="2000F3">
If Sotomayor or Kagan were to die under a Republican president — or, given how <a href="https://www.vox.com/2019/5/29/18644061/mitch-mcconnell-supreme-court-hearings-2020-merrick-garland">Senate Republicans treated</a> moderate Obama Supreme Court nominee Merrick Garland, if Sotomayor or Kagan were to die under a Democratic president and a Republican Senate — it is very unlikely that either could be replaced by a like-minded justice. Indeed, the Garland precedent suggests that Republicans might simply hold the seat open for as long as it took to fill it with an extremist like Gorsuch.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="XYGYPr">
That could be catastrophic for liberal democracy in the United States. But there are also two reasons to hesitate before calling for every Democratic appointee to the Supreme Court to rotate off the Court the minute they can be replaced by a younger Democrat.
</p>
<h4 id="Zgpfcq">
Relationships matter
</h4>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="UlNQfm">
One is the simple fact that relationships matter within an institution made up of only nine people. Shortly after Justice Anthony Kennedy’s retirement drove the Court to the right in 2018, Justice Kagan told journalist Dahlia Lithwick of her plans to keep her colleagues from doing too much damage to the law.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="tA812G">
The trick, Kagan said, is to <a href="https://archive.thinkprogress.org/justice-kagan-warns-that-the-supreme-courts-legitimacy-is-in-danger-2de1192d5636/">take “big questions and make them small.”</a> Find ways to dispose of cases on narrow procedural grounds, or to <a href="https://www.vox.com/2021/6/17/22538462/supreme-court-obamacare-california-texas-stephen-breyer-standing-individual-mandate-constitution">dismiss them for lack of jurisdiction</a>. If that won’t work, try to find five votes to hand down a <a href="https://www.vox.com/2021/6/17/22538645/supreme-court-fulton-philadelphia-lgbtq-catholic-social-services-foster-care-john-roberts-religion">narrow substantive rule that will have little impact on future cases</a>.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="VjOiRo">
Kagan also named the Republican appointee that she thought was most likely to be open to her appeals. “I’m a huge fan of the Chief Justice,” she said, referring to Roberts. She added that “I think he cares deeply about the institution and its legitimacy.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="IuENYi">
For a while, before Ginsburg’s death gave Republican appointees a supermajority and rendered Roberts’s vote irrelevant in the biggest cases, Kagan’s strategy seemed to work. In the Court’s 2019-20 term — its last full term with Ginsburg — the Court handed down a <a href="https://www.vox.com/2020/7/12/21319929/supreme-court-term-liberals-win-conservative-john-roberts-neil-gorsuch-abortion-daca-guns">string of narrowly decided liberal victories</a>.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="F2r7RE">
Roberts cast a surprising vote to preserve abortion rights, for example, largely because the issue before the Court in <a href="https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/19pdf/18-1323_c07d.pdf"><em>June Medical Services v. Russo</em></a> (2020) was identical to the one before the Court in a previous decision supporting abortion rights. The Court also kept the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) program, an immigration program created by President Obama, alive by <a href="https://www.vox.com/2020/6/18/21295518/supreme-court-daca-trump-roberts-regents-university-california-homeland-security">pointing to a paperwork error by the Trump administration</a>.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="w5PWsc">
Indeed, Kagan appeared to be so successful in leveraging her relationship with the chief that the conservative Wall Street Journal’s editorial board <a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/another-win-for-the-kagan-court-11592264430">mockingly labeled her “Chief Justice Elena Kagan” and disparaged what it labeled “the Kagan Court.”</a>
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="7140Ba">
If Thomas or Alito, both of whom are in their 70s, leaves the Court in the next two years, then President Biden would likely replace them with a liberal justice, and Roberts would become the Court’s pivotal vote once again. Should that happen, Democrats may regret what happens next if Justice Kagan is no longer around to persuade the chief to seek moderation.
</p>
<h4 id="YaBIW5">
Long-serving justices can build a movement
</h4>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="53cg5w">
For most of his time on the Supreme Court, Justice Thomas was largely ignored by his colleagues — and for good reason. He has a penchant for opinions claiming that foundational legal principles should simply be tossed out.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="QV4pE2">
Thomas’s concurring opinion in <a href="https://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=18310045251039502778&amp;hl=en&amp;as_sdt=6&amp;as_vis=1&amp;oi=scholarr"><em>United States v. Lopez</em></a> (1995), for example, closely tracks the reasoning the Supreme Court used in an infamous 1918 decision striking down federal child labor laws. He’s repeatedly called for the Court to <a href="https://www.vox.com/2020/5/12/21250988/supreme-court-clarence-thomas-free-speech-first-amendment-sineneng-smith">strip millions of Americans of their free speech rights</a> — including a<a href="https://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=9214656526208975982&amp;hl=en&amp;as_sdt=6&amp;as_vis=1&amp;oi=scholarr"> 2019 opinion</a> calling on his Court to overrule a seminal precedent <a href="https://www.vox.com/22431044/neil-gorsuch-nihilism-supreme-court-voting-rights-lgbt-housing-obamacare-constitution">ensuring that freedom of the press continues to exist</a> — while simultaneously reading the First Amendment <a href="https://www.vox.com/2020/5/12/21250988/supreme-court-clarence-thomas-free-speech-first-amendment-sineneng-smith">expansively to protect wealthy political donors</a>. He’s also claimed that state governments should be allowed to <a href="https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/19pdf/18-1195_g314.pdf">establish an official state church</a>.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="7dbOHh">
Yet, while Thomas spent more than two decades writing lonely, nutty opinions that his fellow justices rarely joined, he slowly became the <a href="https://archive.thinkprogress.org/clarence-thomas-most-important-legal-thinker-in-america-c12af3d08c98/">most consequential legal thinker in the United States</a>, largely because of the way that students are educated in law schools.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="Q2xUUW">
A year before his death, Justice Antonin Scalia explained why he so often wrote punchy, unforgettable opinions where he might dismiss an opponent’s argument as “<a href="https://www.theguardian.com/law/2016/feb/13/justice-antonin-scalia-dead-supreme-court-opinion-lines-pure-applesauce">pure applesauce”</a> or “<a href="https://constitutioncenter.org/blog/a-look-at-the-justice-antonin-scalias-most-unusual-word-choices">argle-bargle</a>.” “I’ve given up on the current generation — they’re gone, forget about them,” Scalia said in 2015. “<a href="https://thehoya.com/justice-scalia-addresses-first-year-law-students/">But the kids in law school</a>, I think there’s still a chance,” he added. “That’s who I write my dissents for.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="w196Pv">
Law school textbooks are often referred to as “casebooks” because they largely compile canonical or <a href="https://www.vox.com/23180634/supreme-court-rule-of-law-abortion-voting-rights-guns-epa">anti-canonical court decisions</a>, including both majority opinions and dissents. Classroom instruction frequently involves a debate over the relative merits of these majority and dissenting views. What Scalia understood is that, if he wrote engaging and memorable dissents, generations of law students would read them while they were forming their opinions about the law. And someday, some of those students would become judges — or even justices with the power to turn Scalia’s dissents into majority opinions.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="QLK5oy">
But it was Thomas, not Scalia, who perfected this strategy. Liberal law students read Thomas’s opinions and often wondered how anyone could possibly agree with him. But the most reactionary aspiring lawyers read them and saw a visionary. At a time when most judicial conservatives <a href="https://www.vox.com/2020/6/3/21277104/qualified-immunity-cops-constitution-shaniz-west-supreme-court">still emphasized judicial restraint</a>, Thomas called for the courts to do more. Strike down more laws. Cast aside celebrated precedents. Place a yoke around the neck of the law and force it to labor for the conservative movement.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="nQTJM3">
And Thomas’s bold activist vision for the courts is now the dominant vision within the Republican Party. This vision drives everything from the <a href="https://www.vox.com/2020/3/2/21147037/obamacare-supreme-court-texas-john-roberts">seemingly endless barrage of lawsuits</a> targeting Obamacare to the Court’s decision to <a href="https://www.vox.com/2022/6/30/23189610/supreme-court-epa-west-virginia-clean-power-plan-major-questions-john-roberts">give itself a veto power over the entire US administrative state</a>. More than one in eight of Trump’s appointees to the federal appellate bench were Thomas clerks. A 2018 Associated Press report found that <a href="https://apnews.com/ebda07542740484c86ea192caaf357a9/22-former-Justice-Thomas-clerks-have-jobs-thanks-to-Trump">22 former Thomas clerks</a> “either hold political appointments in the Trump administration or have been nominated to judgeships by Trump.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="ydnYus">
Thomas’s growing popularity among legal conservatives is also a second reason to fear that the next Republican president’s Supreme Court appointments could be more reactionary than Trump’s.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="N8VeLM">
But Thomas’s tremendous influence on the conservative legal movement’s ambitions were not apparent until his third decade on the Court. It takes time to build a movement out of the handful of law students in every constitutional law class who read Thomas’s opinions and said to themselves, “Why not?”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="6CgTIP">
This kind of sustained movement-building around a central leader simply is not possible if that leader has to quit their job right when they are starting to master it. It is impossible to know now whether Sotomayor or Kagan will, 20 years from now, be seen as a visionary who ushered in a new era of liberalism in much the same way that Thomas built a movement for reactionary judicial supremacy. But that certainly won’t happen if they leave the Court prematurely.
</p>
<h3 id="ZuacBr">
So what should Sotomayor and Kagan do?
</h3>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="Z0yZg5">
The good news, for Obama’s two appointees to the Supreme Court, is that they do not need to decide whether to retire today. Barring unlikely events, such as the death of two Democratic senators in states with Republican governors, Democrats will control the White House and the Senate for the next two years. That’s two entire years when they can also confirm Supreme Court justices if a vacancy arises on the Court.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="zvUYau">
Realistically, however, Democrats need to win a crushing victory in 2024 to even have a chance at holding on to the Senate. Democrats need to <a href="https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/23464862/senate-elections-georgia-runoff-2024-map">defend incumbents in the solidly red states of Montana, West Virginia, and Ohio</a>. They also need to figure out what to do about Sen. Kyrsten Sinema (I-AZ), an Arizona incumbent with a <a href="https://twitter.com/drewlinzer/status/1601289169338519552?s=61&amp;t=acFk115OIusBPdUob6xERQ">bathyspheric approval rating</a> that could preclude her winning reelection — but whose recent decision to <a href="https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/23501599/kyrsten-sinema-inevitable-democrat-arizona-2024">quit the Democratic Party</a> allows her to run as a spoiler candidate who could throw Arizona’s next Senate race to the Republican.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="lnAec1">
It is certainly possible that President Biden — like <a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pUMqic2IcWA">another president</a> who struggled with sky-high inflation during his early presidency, then cruised to reelection as the economy improved — could win reelection by such a commanding margin that Republican Senate candidates will be at a disadvantage in 2024.
</p>
<div id="EHlVeq">
<div style="width: 100%; height: 0; padding-bottom: 56.25%;">
</div>
</div>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="E01uTG">
Barring a Democratic landslide, however, the party’s opportunity to fill a Supreme Court seat will likely come to an end in 2025.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="w3R1hL">
Nor is the Democratic Party’s misery in the Senate likely to solve itself anytime soon. As Stanford political scientist Jonathan Rodden explains, “as you <a href="https://www.vox.com/2020/6/22/21293168/dc-statehood-vote-filibuster-supreme-court-joe-biden">go from the center of cities out through the suburbs and into rural areas</a>, you traverse in a linear fashion from Democratic to Republican places.” So long as this urban/rural divide exists, Republicans are strongly favored to control the Senate because of their dominance in low-population states.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="jLqbdZ">
So Sotomayor and Kagan should certainly keep a close eye on the polls in 2024, and may be able to justify remaining on the Court if those polls predict a dominant electoral year for Democrats. But if they remain for too long, the consequences for the law — and for the nation — could be cataclysmic.
</p></li>
<li><strong>Elon Musk now says he’ll step down as Twitter CEO</strong> -
<figure>
<img alt="Elon Musk onstage holding a microphone." src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/uEsc6PV1LTlZui5hCADUSrRhGzE=/154x0:3813x2744/1310x983/cdn.vox-cdn.com/uploads/chorus_image/image/71774700/1242798333.0.jpg"/>
<figcaption>
Twitter CEO Elon Musk is questioning the validity of a poll he ran after people voted overwhelmingly for him to step down from his role at the company. | Carina Johansen/NTB/AFP via Getty Images
</figcaption>
</figure>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
But we don’t know when, or who will replace him
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="9BiPLl">
It took <a href="https://www.vox.com/recode/23440075/elon-musk-twitter-layoffs-check-mark-verification">over 40 hours</a>, but Elon Musk has finally acknowledged the results of a public poll he ran calling for him to step down as CEO of Twitter.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="yJ9QcX">
“I will resign as CEO as soon as I find someone foolish enough to take the job!” Musk <a href="https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1605372724800393216">tweeted</a> on Tuesday night. “After that, I will just run the software &amp; servers teams.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="aSY9bN">
The admission comes after a poll Musk himself launched, in which some 17 million Twitter users — or 57.5 percent of those polled — said they were in favor of Musk resigning. Musk did not immediately accept the results publicly, which he said he’d do, but rather cast doubt on the validity of the poll.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="bxng3M">
It wasn’t just anonymous Twitter users who wanted Musk to step down. Outside investors also <a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/tesla-investors-voice-concern-over-elon-musks-focus-on-twitter-11670948786">called for Musk</a> to focus less on Twitter and more on Tesla. They’ve seen the Twitter drama as something that distracted Musk from his more lucrative business at Tesla, which saw its <a href="https://fortune.com/2022/11/21/tesla-shares-hit-two-year-low-elon-musk-twitter-china-lockdowns-recall/">stock price fall precipitously</a> in recent weeks. Musk has long said he eventually wanted to step down as Twitter CEO, so it’s unclear why he seemed so unwilling to accept the results of the poll calling for him to end his chaotic reign as head of the company.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="GBZNAk">
All that said, the recent poll debacle demonstrates Musk’s self-destructive attachment to running Twitter, despite the fact that it has jeopardized his reputation and business success since he took over in October. It’s also another example of how <a href="https://www.vox.com/recode/2022/11/16/23461217/elon-musk-twitter-fired-employees-free-speech-contradictions-joke">Musk can’t seem to handle criticism</a> — from debating the percentage of people in the crowd who were <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/arts-entertainment/2022/12/12/dave-chappelle-elon-musk-booed/">booing him at a comedy show</a> to <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2022/11/15/technology/elon-musk-twitter-fired-criticism.html">firing employees who criticized him,</a> and now, dismissing the legitimacy of the Twitter users who voted him out of the company he just bought.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="4DecBF">
Rather than commenting on the results of the poll in the hours after it concluded, Musk took to Twitter on Monday morning and encouraged questions about whether the results were legitimate. He <a href="https://twitter.com/KimDotcom/status/1604810383646027776">engaged in a Twitter thread</a> by a user suggesting that a “deep state” bot army was rigging the poll against him. Musk replied to another user in the same thread who suggested that only paid subscribers to Twitter Blue should be able to vote in polls. He said, “<a href="https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1604985324505030658">Twitter will make that change</a>.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="7QAxvS">
Polls have been a favored tactic in Musk’s erratic leadership style for making major decisions at Twitter. When he polled users about whether Twitter should <a href="https://www.vox.com/recode/2022/11/19/23468634/trump-twitter-elon-musk-ban-allowed-back-president-2024">reinstate the account of former US President Donald Trump</a>, for example, Musk quickly accepted the results that were narrowly in favor of bringing Trump back on. Hours after the poll closed, Musk <a href="https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1594131768298315777">tweeted that “the people have spoken”</a> and reinstated Trump’s account.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="PiCtXl">
This time, though, Musk dragged his feet. On Tuesday, Musk <a href="https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1605264743501013013">replied to a tweet</a> by market research firm HarrisX, which conducted its own poll and found that 61 percent of people wanted Musk to stay on.
</p>
<div id="vHAwgw">
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet">
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" dir="ltr" lang="en">
Interesting. Suggest that maybe we might still have an itsy bitsy bot problem on Twitter …
</p>
— Elon Musk (<span class="citation" data-cites="elonmusk">@elonmusk</span>) <a href="https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1605264743501013013?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">December 20, 2022</a>
</blockquote></div></li>
</ul>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="nRKVmP">
Musk had complained about Twitter bots since before he bought the platform. At that time, he tried to use the platform’s bot problem as an excuse to get out of the deal. But since he took over, Musk said he’s wiped Twitter of excessive bots. It was confusing, then, that he would run a poll on Twitter about the fate of his own leadership if he didn’t have complete confidence in its validity.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="wUAyTt">
But again, it was always part of Musk’s plan to eventually find a replacement CEO for Twitter. In November, <a href="https://apnews.com/article/elon-musk-twitter-inc-technology-business-fa5107ef6f26f1d04700f78ded3a0663">he told a Delaware court</a>, “I expect to reduce my time at Twitter and find somebody else to run Twitter over time.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="5HSWym">
Part of what seemed to be holding Musk back, however, is that he saw no good replacement.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="5gR33n">
“No one wants the job who can actually keep Twitter alive. There is no successor,” <a href="https://twitter.com/elonmusk/status/1604621101245419520?s=20&amp;amp;amp;t=fARSGTWvPNFKhyH5QFjGfQ">tweeted Musk</a> on Sunday. Then, on Tuesday, he replied with laughing emojis at a <a href="https://www.cnbc.com/2022/12/20/elon-musk-actively-searching-for-a-new-twitter-ceo-sources-say.html?__source=iosappshare%7Ccom.apple.UIKit.activity.PostToTwitter">recent NBC story</a> reporting that he’s actively looking for a new CEO.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="htPJqA">
So after he created an artificial deadline to do something he already wanted to do, Musk finally seems ready to take the next step.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="owIMbe">
<em><strong>Update, December 20, 10:10 pm ET:</strong></em><em> This story has been updated to include the latest information about Elon Musk’s plans to step down as CEO of Twitter.</em>
</p>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-the-hindu-sports">From The Hindu: Sports</h1>
<ul>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Albinus, Slainte, Loch Lomond, Illustrious Ruler, Royal Monarch and Empress Royal excel</strong> -</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Juliette impresses</strong> -</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Forest Flame and Stellantig work well</strong> -</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>ICC CEO pitches for more Test-playing nations to tour Pakistan</strong> - ICC CEO Geoff Allardice is optimistic Test cricket will flourish in Pakistan at a time when major Test-playing nations such as Australia and England are seeing a noticeable drop in stadium attendance</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>It would be great if Rehan is picked in IPL auction, says Brendon McCullum</strong> - Leg-spinner Rehan Ahmed became the youngest to take a five wicket haul on Test debut as he claimed the impressive figures against Pakistan on day three in the third Test</p></li>
</ul>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-the-hindu-national-news">From The Hindu: National News</h1>
<ul>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Parliament proceedings | Govt shows ‘56-inch chest’ to farmers but it becomes ‘0.56 inch before China’: Sanjay Singh</strong> - AAP and other Opposition parties staged a protest on the Parliament premises, demanding a discussion on the border tension and the latest Chinese aggression in Arunachal Pradesh</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Agriculture census in Kerala to pick up pace by December-end</strong> - Training sessions for enumerators drawing to a close</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Couple found dead</strong> -</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Shah says battle against drugs delicately poised, asks States to join hands</strong> - Amit Shah said the issue of drug menace is a serious one as profits from this trade are also used to finance the acts of terror</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Woman, daughter drown</strong> -</p></li>
</ul>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-bbc-europe">From BBC: Europe</h1>
<ul>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Zelensky in Washington: Ukraine’s leader heads to US for first foreign trip</strong> - The White House will announce a further $2bn in aid to Ukraine, including a Patriot air defence system.</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Ukraine war: US Patriot missiles will comfort Kyiv and alarm Moscow</strong> - The advanced air defence system is not a silver bullet, but it is extremely capable and effective.</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Irmgard Furchner: Nazi typist guilty of complicity in 10,500 murders</strong> - Irmgard Furchner, 97, who worked for a Nazi commandant, is convicted in Germany.</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Benin Bronzes: Germany returns looted artefacts to Nigeria</strong> - The return of 22 Benin Bronzes is part of Germany’s efforts to deal with a “dark colonial history”.</p></li>
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Ukraine to boost Belarus border defences as Putin meets Lukashenko</strong> - Kyiv fears a fresh Russian assault is on the horizon after President Putin travelled to Minsk.</p></li>
</ul>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-ars-technica">From Ars Technica</h1>
<ul>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Comcast agents mistakenly reject some poor people who qualify for free Internet</strong> - Comcast reps didn’t know the rules, told qualified applicants they weren’t eligible. - <a href="https://arstechnica.com/?p=1906042">link</a></p></li>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Man simulates time travel thanks to Stable Diffusion image synthesis</strong> - Fictional travelogue shows man taking selfies in ancient Greece, Egypt, and more. - <a href="https://arstechnica.com/?p=1906077">link</a></p></li>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Study: 2017 rise in teen suicide rates due to seasonal shifts, not 13 Reasons Why</strong> - “We don’t have any evidence to show that <em>13 Reasons Why</em> had an effect on [teen] suicide.” - <a href="https://arstechnica.com/?p=1905791">link</a></p></li>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Kremlin-backed hackers targeted a “large” petroleum refinery in a NATO nation</strong> - As Russia’s invasion of Ukraine grinds on, the country’s hackers expand their targets. - <a href="https://arstechnica.com/?p=1906124">link</a></p></li>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Raspberry Pi 5 not arriving in 2023 as company hopes for a “recovery year”</strong> - To avoid cannibalizing supply for other Pi products, the next model must wait. - <a href="https://arstechnica.com/?p=1906054">link</a></p></li>
</ul>
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-jokes-subreddit">From Jokes Subreddit</h1>
<ul>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>A sheep, a drum and a snake fell off a cliff…</strong> - <!-- SC_OFF --></p>
<div class="md">
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
Baa-Dumm-Tssssss….
</p>
</div>
<!-- SC_ON -->
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"> submitted by <a href="https://www.reddit.com/user/SirRipOliver"> /u/SirRipOliver </a> <br/> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/zrbg02/a_sheep_a_drum_and_a_snake_fell_off_a_cliff/">[link]</a></span> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/zrbg02/a_sheep_a_drum_and_a_snake_fell_off_a_cliff/">[comments]</a></span></p></li>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Why did Princess Diana cross the road?</strong> - <!-- SC_OFF --></p>
<div class="md">
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
She wasn’t wearing her seatbelt.
</p>
</div>
<!-- SC_ON -->
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"> submitted by <a href="https://www.reddit.com/user/sarcastibot8point5"> /u/sarcastibot8point5 </a> <br/> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/zqt6dz/why_did_princess_diana_cross_the_road/">[link]</a></span> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/zqt6dz/why_did_princess_diana_cross_the_road/">[comments]</a></span></p></li>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>A lady went into the pharmacy, right up to the pharmacist, looked straight into his eyes, and said</strong> - <!-- SC_OFF --></p>
<div class="md">
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
“I would like to buy some cyanide.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
The pharmacist asked, “Why in the world do you need cyanide?”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
The lady : “I need it to poison my husband.”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
The pharmacists eyes got big and he exclaimed : “Lord have mercy! I can’t give you cyanide to kill your husband! That’s against the law! I’ll lose my license! They’ll throw both of us in jail! All kinds of bad things will happen. Absolutely not! You CANNOT have any cyanide!”
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
The lady reached into her purse and pulled out a picture of her husband in bed with the pharmacist’s wife.
</p>
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
The pharmacist looked at the picture and replied : “Oh Well now That’s different. You didn’t tell me you had a prescription.”
</p>
</div>
<!-- SC_ON -->
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"> submitted by <a href="https://www.reddit.com/user/nassimch"> /u/nassimch </a> <br/> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/zrg8r4/a_lady_went_into_the_pharmacy_right_up_to_the/">[link]</a></span> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/zrg8r4/a_lady_went_into_the_pharmacy_right_up_to_the/">[comments]</a></span></p></li>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>My blind wife left me</strong> - <!-- SC_OFF --></p>
<div class="md">
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
At least she isn’t seeing anyone else
</p>
</div>
<!-- SC_ON -->
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"> submitted by <a href="https://www.reddit.com/user/PuntHunter"> /u/PuntHunter </a> <br/> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/zrfu2h/my_blind_wife_left_me/">[link]</a></span> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/zrfu2h/my_blind_wife_left_me/">[comments]</a></span></p></li>
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Yo mama so old</strong> - <!-- SC_OFF --></p>
<div class="md">
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
Her chiropractor a paleontologist
</p>
</div>
<!-- SC_ON -->
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"> submitted by <a href="https://www.reddit.com/user/Doc-Wulff"> /u/Doc-Wulff </a> <br/> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/zqpz4c/yo_mama_so_old/">[link]</a></span> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/zqpz4c/yo_mama_so_old/">[comments]</a></span></p></li>
</ul>
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