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<title>02 October, 2021</title>
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<title>Daily-Dose</title><meta content="width=device-width, initial-scale=1.0" name="viewport"/><link href="styles/simple.css" rel="stylesheet"/><link href="../styles/simple.css" rel="stylesheet"/><style>*{overflow-x:hidden;}</style><link href="https://unpkg.com/aos@2.3.1/dist/aos.css" rel="stylesheet"/><script src="https://unpkg.com/aos@2.3.1/dist/aos.js"></script></head>
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<h1 data-aos="fade-down" id="daily-dose">Daily-Dose</h1>
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<h1 data-aos="fade-right" data-aos-anchor-placement="top-bottom" id="contents">Contents</h1>
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<ul>
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<li><a href="#from-new-yorker">From New Yorker</a></li>
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<li><a href="#from-vox">From Vox</a></li>
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<li><a href="#from-the-hindu-sports">From The Hindu: Sports</a></li>
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<li><a href="#from-the-hindu-national-news">From The Hindu: National News</a></li>
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<li><a href="#from-bbc-europe">From BBC: Europe</a></li>
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<li><a href="#from-ars-technica">From Ars Technica</a></li>
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<li><a href="#from-jokes-subreddit">From Jokes Subreddit</a></li>
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</ul>
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<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-new-yorker">From New Yorker</h1>
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<ul>
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<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>How Bad Is Biden’s Slump?</strong> - Political consultants vary in their views of what caused it, and how the President can recover. - <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/news/annals-of-inquiry/how-bad-is-bidens-slump">link</a></p></li>
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<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Instagram for Kids and What Facebook Knows About the Effects of Social Media</strong> - A Senate-committee hearing will address whether Facebook is following the example of Big Tobacco. - <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/news/daily-comment/instagram-for-kids-and-what-facebook-knows-about-the-effects-of-%20social-media">link</a></p></li>
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<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Trump Still Faces a Reckoning in New York</strong> - Court documents and interviews indicate that the Manhattan District Attorney is accumulating evidence of pervasive tax fraud. - <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/trump-still-faces-a-reckoning-in-new-york">link</a></p></li>
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<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>The New Yorker Live: The Future of Afghanistan</strong> - Watch highlights from our latest digital event for subscribers, where writers and editors considered the chaotic U.S. withdrawal and the return of the Taliban. - <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/the-new-yorker-live-the-future-of-afghanistan">link</a></p></li>
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<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>The Labour Party Is Britain’s Lost Opposition</strong> - Boris Johnson’s government has been a reckless failure, but Keir Starmer, Labour’s new leader, hasn’t offered a convincing alternative. - <a href="https://www.newyorker.com/news/letter-from-the-uk/the-labour-party-is-britains-lost-opposition">link</a></p></li>
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</ul>
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<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-vox">From Vox</h1>
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<ul>
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<li><strong>The nihilism of Neil Gorsuch</strong> -
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<figure>
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<img alt="" src="https://cdn.vox-
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<figcaption>
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Judge Neil Gorsuch testifies during the second day of his Supreme Court confirmation hearings in 2017. | Drew Angerer/Getty Images
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</figcaption>
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</figure>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
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Trump’s first Supreme Court appointee’s radical vision to remake America, explained.
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</p>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="6IMoD5">
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Neil Gorsuch was ready to blow up the US housing market over a minor<strong> </strong>legal violation.
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</p>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="4LHDK6">
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The case in front of the Supreme Court was <em>Collins v. Yellen </em>(2021), which had at its center the Federal Housing Finance Agency (FHFA), an obscure body that <a href="https://www.vox.com/2021/6/24/22547545/supreme-court-collins-yellen-124-billion-housing-unitary-executive-samuel-
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alito-neil-gorsuch">oversaw hundreds of billions of dollars’ worth of transactions</a> intended to stabilize the housing market after the 2008 recession. The FHFA is<strong> </strong>led by a single director whom only the president can fire “<a href="https://www.indeed.com/career-advice/career-development/termination-for-cause">for cause</a>.”<strong> </strong>The plaintiffs in<strong> </strong><em>Collins v. Yellen</em> argued the president must have unlimited power to fire the agency’s head, citing the Supreme Court’s 2020 ruling in <a href="https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/19pdf/19-7_new_0pm1.pdf"><em>Seila Law LLC v. Consumer Financial Protection Bureau</em></a> (CFPB).
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</p>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="jGhXip">
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But under the <em>Collins</em> plaintiffs’ arguments, it also followed that if the FHFA head was fired, every action the agency had taken since its creation in 2008 should be declared void — a truly radical prospect. That argument won very little favor from the justices. Last June, the Court handed down a <a href="https://www.vox.com/2021/6/24/22547545/supreme-court-collins-yellen-124-billion-housing-unitary-executive-samuel-
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alito-neil-gorsuch">relatively modest opinion</a> that gave President Joe Biden (and all future presidents) the power to fire the FHFA director without reversing the agency’s past<strong> </strong>work.
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</p>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="c6jQZC">
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But Gorsuch would have none of it.
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</p>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="Ok12yk">
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In a partial dissent, Gorsuch complained that his colleagues were too spooked by the prospect of “unwinding or disgorging hundreds of millions of dollars that have already changed hands” (an underestimate of the amount of money at stake by several orders of magnitude). The proper approach, Gorsuch opined in <em>Collins</em>, was to declare the FHFA’s actions “void.”
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</p>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="6deFJF">
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If Gorsuch had gotten his way,<strong> </strong>13 years of work and hundreds of billions of dollars’ worth of transactions would have been unraveled, possibly delivering a shock to the mortgage-lending industry similar to that of the 2008 crisis — or even <a href="https://www.vox.com/22106497/supreme-court-collins-mnuchin-124-billion-fannie-mae-freddie-mac-unitary-executive-
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housing">sending the world economy into a tailspin</a>.
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</p>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="7cWD1r">
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And yet, for Gorsuch, the potential consequences were irrelevant to how the Court should rule.
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</p>
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<figure class="e-image">
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<img alt=" " src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/pAAx0zB6lEJXgsuF3xr38D9mklc=/800x0/filters:no_upscale()/cdn.vox-
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cdn.com/uploads/chorus_asset/file/22890282/GettyImages_666869358_copy.jpg"/> <cite>Eric Thayer/Getty Images</cite>
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<figcaption>
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Neil Gorsuch is one of three Supreme Court justices appointed by President Donald Trump.
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</figcaption>
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</figure>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="zQAiDb">
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It wasn’t the only case this term where Gorsuch brushed aside worries about widespread disruption that could have done tremendous harm to millions of people.<strong> </strong>Six days before the <em>Collins</em> ruling was handed down, the Court decided <a href="https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/20pdf/19-840_6jfm.pdf"><em>California v. Texas</em></a> (2021), the most recent attempt by Republicans<strong> </strong>to repeal the Affordable Care Act by judicial decree. This latest attack on Obamacare rested on legal arguments so weak, they were <a href="https://www.vox.com/policy-and-
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politics/2019/12/18/20858157/fifth-circuit-obamacare-texas-united-states">widely derided</a> even by many of the ACA’s most outspoken critics.
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</p>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="UXNNTf">
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Gorsuch and Samuel Alito were the only two justices who argued that the Court should set fire to the Affordable Care Act. Had their views prevailed, approximately <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2021/06/05/record-31-million-americans-have-health-care-coverage-through-
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affordable-care-act-white-house-says/">31 million Americans would have lost health insurance</a>.
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</p>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="QCOCnJ">
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In his four years on the Court, Gorsuch has staked out a more ambitious agenda than many preceding justices articulated in four decades, and he has seized every opportunity to implement as much of this agenda as possible.<strong> </strong>He arguably has a better sense of where he wants to take the law than any other member of the Court. He is broadly anti- government, skeptical of democracy and the institutions that make it<strong> </strong>possible, and eager to centralize power within the judiciary.
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</p>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="Pw281j">
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That worldview and his certitude of its rightness are married with a willingness, even eagerness, to impose draconian consequences on the nation if he catches someone violating his often-quite-unusual ideas about what the rules should be.
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</p>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="UanMO4">
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That’s a troubling combination in anyone, but it’s a potentially dangerous one in a judge. And while Gorsuch doesn’t always get his way — even on a 6-3 conservative Court — his overarching view that <a href="https://www.vox.com/22662906/supreme-
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court-conservatives-abortion-constitution-roe-wade">power should be concentrated within the judicial branch</a> has broad support among his Republican-appointed colleagues.
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</p>
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<h3 id="Jua6SW">
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Gorsuch’s selective textualism
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</h3>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="O5Wele">
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The lodestar of Gorsuch’s rhetoric about how judges should interpret the law is “textualism,” which he described in a <a href="https://www.penguinrandomhouse.com/books/586597/a-republic-if-you-can-keep-it-by-neil-gorsuch-
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with-jane-nitze-and-david-feder/">2020 book</a> as the idea that judges’ sole task when interpreting legal texts is to determine “what an ordinary English speaker familiar with the law’s usages would have understood the statutory text to mean at the time of its enactment.”
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</p>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="34WyCE">
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Proponents of textualism — and of its close cousin originalism, which applies the same methodology to the Constitution — often hold it up as a politically neutral approach that prevents judges from substituting their personal preferences for the law. “Textualism,” Gorsuch writes in his book, requires judges to “determine impartially and fix what the law is, not simply declare what it ought to be.”
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="syNi98">
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In reality, this method <a href="https://www.vox.com/21497317/originalism-amy-coney-barrett-constitution-
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supreme-court">rarely lives up to such lofty promises</a>. Many legal texts (including much of the Constitution) are ambiguous and can be fairly read in many ways. And what should a court do if it concludes that a century-old decision — one that millions of individuals and businesses may have relied on for decades — misread the text of a statute? Should 100 years of settled law be upended?
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<aside id="04Ol5u">
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<q>In <em>California</em></q></aside></div></li><em>
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</em></ul><em>
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</em><ol start="22" type="a"><em>
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</em><li><em>Texas</em>, Gorsuch and Samuel Alito were the only two justices to argue that SCOTUS should set fire to the Affordable Care Act
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="ADIEAz">
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Setting aside textualism’s flaws, Gorsuch’s record on the Supreme Court exposes just how spotty his application of the methodology is. Though his own opinions frequently <a href="https://www.vox.com/2020/7/10/21318796/supreme-court-mcgirt-oklahoma-native-american-neil-gorsuch">preach the gospel of textualism</a>, he’s shown no compunction about joining other justices’ opinions that treat the text of a statute as merely optional.
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</p>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="XYX6qo">
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Consider, for example, Justice Samuel Alito’s <a href="https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/20pdf/19-1257_g204.pdf">majority opinion in <em>Brnovich v. Democratic National Committee</em></a> (2021), a 6-3 decision along partisan lines, which <a href="https://www.vox.com/22575435/voting-rights-supreme-court-john-roberts-shelby-county-constitution-brnovich-elena-
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kagan">imposed novel, extratextual limits on the Voting Rights Act</a>.
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</p>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="DZbqGx">
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<em>Brnovich</em>, in Justice Elena Kagan’s words, “<a href="https://www.vox.com/22575435/voting-rights-supreme-court-john-roberts-shelby-county-
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constitution-brnovich-elena-kagan">mostly inhabits a law-free zone</a>.” Alito’s opinion invents novel constraints on the Voting Rights Act — such as a strong presumption that voting restrictions that were commonplace in 1982 are lawful — that appear nowhere in the act’s text. It is the quintessential example of judges declaring what they think the law “ought to be” rather than determining impartially what a statute actually says.
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</p>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="x5JCDn">
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Yet Gorsuch joined Alito’s opinion in full — even though he wrote a separate concurring opinion suggesting that the Court should impose additional limits on the Voting Rights Act that could <a href="https://www.vox.com/2021/7/1/22559046/supreme-court-
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voting-rights-act-brnovich-dnc-samuel-alito-elena-kagan-democracy">deactivate it completely</a> during Republican administrations.<strong> </strong>It’s a neat trick. By leaving the dirty work of mangling a statute to his colleague, Gorsuch saved himself from the difficult task of explaining why textualism does not apply to the Voting Rights Act.
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</p></li>
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</ol>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="7GZP7o">
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Gorsuch is also perfectly willing to follow anti-textualist precedents that yield conservative results. His first major Supreme Court opinion, <a href="https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/17pdf/16-285_q8l1.pdf"><em>Epic Systems v. Lewis</em></a> (2018), fits this mold.
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</p>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="eLtFVI">
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In theory, <em>Epic Systems </em>asked the Court to interpret the Federal Arbitration Act. Enacted in 1925, the act was supposed to, in Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s words, enable “merchants with relatively equal bargaining power” to agree to resolve their disputes before a private arbitrator rather than through a more lengthy and burdensome litigation process. Importantly, the act’s text exempts “<a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/uscode/text/9/1">workers engaged in foreign or interstate commerce</a>” — so the statute was never supposed to enable arbitration in employment disputes.
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</p>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="juiyfI">
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<em>Epic Systems</em> concerned<strong> </strong>two previous decisions that butchered the act’s text. In <a href="https://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=13997435562158688431&hl=en&as_sdt=6&as_vis=1&oi=scholarr"><em>Circuit City v. Adams</em></a><em> </em>(2001), the Supreme Court held that the act does, in fact, apply to most workers engaged in foreign or interstate commerce. The upshot of <em>Circuit City</em> is that employers can force their workers to sign away their right to sue the employer in a real court as a condition of keeping their job. (There is some nuance to the <em>Circuit City</em> opinion, but it doesn’t change the fact that it is an abomination against textualism. I <a href="https://archive.thinkprogress.org/neil-gorsuch-lashes-out-at-american-workers-cfaf9930ddf1/">explain in detail why <em>Circuit City </em>was wrong here</a>.)
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="DeM78p">
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The other previous decision was<strong> </strong><a href="https://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=3870951188038012616&hl=en&as_sdt=6&as_vis=1&oi=scholarr"><em>AT&T Mobility v. Concepcion</em></a> (2011), which<strong> </strong>held that, under the Arbitration Act, companies may force workers or<strong> </strong>consumers to sign away their right to bring a class action as a condition of doing business with that company — something the Arbitration Act has nothing to say about whatsoever.
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="exL0nE">
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<em>Epic Systems</em> sat at the intersection of these two previous anti-textualist decisions — and Gorsuch wrote the majority opinion ruling in favor of the employers. Under <em>Epic Systems</em>, employers can force their workers to sign away their right to join together in a single lawsuit against their employer, <em>and</em> that employer may also force those workers into arbitration.
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="XCx0y6">
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Decisions such as these show that Gorsuch’s commitment to textualism can be little more than hot air. He is a <em>selective</em> textualist, who frequently evangelizes in favor of this method of interpretation but often<strong> </strong>abandons it in cases that reach a conservative result.
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</p>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="NHXulN">
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In fairness, Gorsuch’s<strong> </strong>selectivity has led to the occasional surprise. Any liberal critic of Gorsuch’s imperfect textualism must confront his majority opinion in <a href="https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/19pdf/17-1618_hfci.pdf"><em>Bostock v. Clayton County</em></a> (2020), which held that a federal law banning “sex” discrimination in employment prohibited discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity.<strong> </strong><em>Bostock</em><em><strong> </strong></em><a href="https://www.vox.com/2020/6/15/21291515/supreme-court-bostock-clayton-county-lgbtq-neil-gorsuch">represents the high-water mark</a> of Gorsuch’s commitment to textualism.
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</p>
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<div class="c-float-left c-float-hang">
|
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<aside id="OezFWV">
|
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|
<q>Gorsuch is broadly anti-government, skeptical of democracy and the institutions that make it<strong> </strong>possible, and eager to centralize power within the judiciary</q>
|
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</aside>
|
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|
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</div>
|
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="2Lnnoh">
|
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|
“An employer who fires an individual for being homosexual or transgender fires that person for traits or actions it would not have questioned in members of a different sex,” Gorsuch explained. An employer who fires a male employee for being attracted to men engages in “sex” discrimination, for example, unless they would also fire female employees who are attracted to men.
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</p>
|
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="g2m8G7">
|
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|
Similarly, if an “employer intentionally penalizes a person identified as male at birth for traits or actions that it tolerates in an employee identified as female at birth,” then that “employee’s sex plays an unmistakable and impermissible role in the discharge decision.”
|
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|
</p>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="BoerWQ">
|
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|
<em>Bostock </em>gave Gorsuch a prime opportunity to demonstrate that textualism was more than just an excuse to reach conservative results, and his opinion in <em>Bostock</em> <a href="https://www.vox.com/2020/7/1/21293370/supreme-court-conservatism-bostock-lgbtq-
|
|||
|
|
republicans">triggered rage</a> from the more strident elements of the religious right. “If we’ve been fighting for originalism and textualism, and this is the result of that,” Sen. Josh Hawley (R-MO) said of <em>Bostock</em>, “then I have to say it turns out we haven’t been fighting for very much. Or maybe we’ve been fighting for quite a lot, but it’s been exactly the opposite of what we thought we were fighting for.”
|
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</p>
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="GW8Lzn">
|
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|
|
But Gorsuch should hardly be seen as a champion of LGBTQ rights. He is one of the Court’s most outspoken proponents of the idea that religious conservatives should be allowed to ignore many laws, <a href="https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/17pdf/16-111_j4el.pdf">including those banning LGBTQ discrimination</a>, if they object to those laws on religious grounds.
|
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|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="SiAqIt">
|
|||
|
|
<em>Bostock</em> could still prove to be a significant victory for LGBTQ rights. But his record on religious liberty suggests Gorsuch is likely to significantly water down the single most significant textualist victory he’s handed to liberals.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<h3 id="KKgu32">
|
|||
|
|
Gorsuch v. democracy
|
|||
|
|
</h3>
|
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|
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="lmOX7F">
|
|||
|
|
Few justices in recent years have shown more hostility toward the right to vote and toward democracy more broadly than Neil Gorsuch. His opinion in <em>Brnovich</em>, where he suggested that the Voting Rights Act could cease to exist during Republican administrations, is fairly typical of his approach to the franchise.
|
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|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="QTLyEh">
|
|||
|
|
The Court’s decision in <a href="https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/20pdf/20a55_dc8e.pdf"><em>Andino v. Middleton</em></a>, which was handed down about a month before the 2020 election, offers another data point.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="P6vYRW">
|
|||
|
|
In <em>Andino</em>, the Supreme Court reinstated a South Carolina law requiring absentee voters to have another person sign their ballot as a witness, after a lower court had blocked this law. When the justices handed down their decision, however, the lower court’s order had already been in effect for several weeks and <a href="https://www.vox.com/21504075/supreme-court-election-brett-kavanaugh-andino-middleton-south-carolina">at least 20,000 voters had already cast an early ballot</a> in South Carolina.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
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|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="Iba9wN">
|
|||
|
|
A<strong> </strong>majority of the Supreme Court carved out a sensible exception to its decision, holding that “any ballots cast before this stay issues and received within two days of this order may not be rejected for failing to comply with the witness requirement.” Gorsuch, however, rejected this carve-out. He, along with Justices Clarence Thomas and Alito, would have tossed out <em>all</em> ballots that lacked a signature — even if those ballots were cast in accordance with the rules that were in place at the time.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="KNEghU">
|
|||
|
|
Gorsuch also joined the Court’s opinion in <a href="https://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=6090361490276671133&hl=en&as_sdt=6&as_vis=1&oi=scholarr"><em>Rucho v. Common Cause</em></a> (2019), which held that federal courts may not intervene when state lawmakers use partisan gerrymanders to lock their party into power. And, in a concurring opinion in <a href="https://utexas.app.box.com/s/pd70m6vmah3xf3h7je69pgmnunwuscbm"><em>Democratic National Committee v. Wisconsin State Legislature</em></a> (2020), Gorsuch would have given state<strong> </strong>legislatures sweeping new authority to ignore constitutional constraints on their ability to write new election laws.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="lB1SiB">
|
|||
|
|
“The Constitution provides that state legislatures — <a href="https://www.vox.com/2020/10/26/21535503/supreme-court-wisconsin-democratic-
|
|||
|
|
national-committee-neil-gorsuch-brett-kavanaugh-bush-v-gore">not federal judges, not state judges, not state governors, not other state officials</a> — bear primary responsibility for setting election rules,” Gorsuch wrote in <em>Democratic National Committee</em>.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="ovlSbR">
|
|||
|
|
Taken to its logical extreme, this position could prevent Democratic governors in states like Wisconsin and Pennsylvania from vetoing voter suppression laws or partisan gerrymanders by those states’ Republican legislatures (legislatures, it is worth noting, that often have inflated GOP majorities due to gerrymandering).<strong> </strong>It could also <a href="https://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=3113721554467992180&hl=en&as_sdt=6&as_vis=1&oi=scholarr">prevent states from setting up independent redistricting commissions</a> to combat gerrymandering. And it could strip state supreme courts of their power to strike down election laws that violate the state constitution.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="SnBo9u">
|
|||
|
|
As Gorsuch votes to limit the franchise and make it easier for Republican lawmakers to skew the results of elections, he has also launched a direct attack on the free press — an institution that is essential to any democracy.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="TuLUhg">
|
|||
|
|
It’s become fashionable for justices across the partisan divide to blame the media for the fact that the judiciary is increasingly seen as political. Justices <a href="https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2021/sep/17/clarence-
|
|||
|
|
thomas-supreme-court-justices-politics">Thomas</a>, <a href="https://www.vox.com/22454648/justice-stephen-breyer-
|
|||
|
|
supreme-court-retirement-book-harvard-court-packing-voting-democracy">Stephen Breyer</a>, and <a href="https://www.courier-journal.com/story/news/politics/mitch-mcconnell/2021/09/12/justice-amy-coney-barrett-supreme-
|
|||
|
|
court-decisions-arent-political/8310849002/">Amy Coney Barrett</a> all recently blamed the press for, in Thomas’s words, suggesting that judges place their “personal preference” ahead of the law.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="KVIVXy">
|
|||
|
|
But Gorsuch is one of only two justices (<a href="https://www.vox.com/2020/5/12/21250988/supreme-court-clarence-thomas-free-speech-first-
|
|||
|
|
amendment-sineneng-smith">Thomas is the other</a>) who has explicitly called on his Court to strip away First Amendment rights from journalists.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<div class="c-float-left">
|
|||
|
|
<figure class="e-image">
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><img alt=" " src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/GJVaSIMIWcpRDa4ngyQv6BHZYvU=/800x0/filters:no_upscale()/cdn.vox-
|
|||
|
|
cdn.com/uploads/chorus_asset/file/22890291/GettyImages_1297463784_copy.jpg"/> <cite>Rob Carr/Getty Images</cite></p>
|
|||
|
|
<figcaption>
|
|||
|
|
Supreme Court Justices Sonia Sotomayor, Elena Kagan, Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh, and Amy Coney Barrett arrive at the inauguration of President Biden on January 20.
|
|||
|
|
</figcaption>
|
|||
|
|
</figure>
|
|||
|
|
</div>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="oVEiC9">
|
|||
|
|
<a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/376/254"><em>New York Times v. Sullivan</em></a><em> </em>(1964) is the Court’s single most important decision protecting journalists’ ability to report the news without intimidation from government officials. The case involved a lawsuit by a Jim Crow-era Alabama official, who <a href="https://www.vox.com/22249207/dominion-voting-systems-rudy-giuliani-defamation-billion-2020-election-donald-trump-
|
|||
|
|
sidney-powell">won a $500,000 verdict against the Times</a>, after the paper published an advertisement purchased by civil rights activists. Alabama courts justified this verdict because the ad contained minor factual errors (such as claiming that Martin Luther King Jr. had been arrested seven times, when he’d actually been arrested four times).
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="orORqH">
|
|||
|
|
<em>New York Times</em> established that government officials may not use malicious defamation suits to target free speech — and to target news outlets that play an essential role in a democracy. Under the Court’s decision, when someone speaks about a public figure regarding a matter of public concern, they cannot be liable for making false statements unless such a statement was made “with knowledge that it was false or with reckless disregard of whether it was false or not.”
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="v4mW05">
|
|||
|
|
And yet, in a dissenting opinion in <a href="https://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=7223071108797999248&hl=en&as_sdt=6&as_vis=1&oi=scholarr"><em>Berisha v. Lawson</em></a> (2021), Gorsuch labeled <em>New York Times</em> an “ironclad subsidy for the publication of falsehoods” and suggested that the “law of defamation” should be determined “almost exclusively” by the states.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="KWzZCI">
|
|||
|
|
It’s difficult to exaggerate the perils of Gorsuch’s approach. Imagine, for example, that I mistakenly report that “2,600 people attended a rally protesting a speech by Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis,” when, in fact, only 2,400 people attended the rally. If states are free to set their own defamation law, DeSantis could potentially sue me and Vox Media for millions, endangering our ability to continue to report the news — and chilling reporting on DeSantis by other outlets.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="U1qrq8">
|
|||
|
|
<em>New York Times v. Sullivan </em>is what prevents a <a href="https://www.vox.com/2020/5/21/21256324/viktor-orban-hungary-american-conservatives">Viktor Orbán-style assault</a> on the freedom of the press. It is the reason I know that I am safe from my government, even as I write this article criticizing one of its most powerful officials.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<h3 id="o30W0h">
|
|||
|
|
The man who would be a philosopher king
|
|||
|
|
</h3>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="tZWxmX">
|
|||
|
|
When Gorsuch first arrived at the Court, he seemed unlikely to exert much influence over his colleagues in a hidebound, monastic institution whose members have, historically at least, tried to convey the impression that they are engaged in something other than pure politics.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="o6A7rz">
|
|||
|
|
For one thing, shortly after his confirmation, Gorsuch <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/courts_law/gorsuchs-speeches-raise-questions-of-independence-
|
|||
|
|
critics-say/2017/09/27/5accdb3c-a230-11e7-b14f-f41773cd5a14_story.html">seemed to go on a “thank-you” tour</a>, rewarding Republican officials and advocates who gave him his new gig. This included a speech to a conservative group at then-President Trump’s hotel in DC, a speech alongside then-Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell at the University of Louisville’s McConnell Center, and a final victory lap at the conservative Federalist Society’s annual convention.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="I7aI8y">
|
|||
|
|
“There’s a reason we <a href="https://www.democrats.senate.gov/newsroom/press-releases/schumer-statement-
|
|||
|
|
on-justice-gorsuchs-speech-at-the-trump-hotel">questioned his independence</a> during his confirmation hearings,” Senate Democratic leader Chuck Schumer said in a statement regarding Gorsuch’s Trump hotel speech. Deborah Rhode, a Stanford legal ethics professor, was even more critical, telling the Washington Post that “<a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/courts_law/gorsuchs-speeches-raise-questions-of-independence-critics-
|
|||
|
|
say/2017/09/27/5accdb3c-a230-11e7-b14f-f41773cd5a14_story.html">all of this indicates that he’s just ethically tone- deaf</a>.”
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="HUQJQk">
|
|||
|
|
Gorsuch also picked nonstrategic fights, sometimes with his fellow conservatives. In a case involving a labyrinthine statute that even many of the justices struggled to parse — Justice Alito asked during oral argument, “Who wrote this statute, <a href="https://www.supremecourt.gov/oral_arguments/argument_transcripts/2016/16-399_3f14.pdf">somebody who takes pleasure out of pulling the wings off flies</a>?” — Gorsuch wrote a smug and condescending dissent attacking his colleagues for failing to read the statute as he did.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="HmFD5i">
|
|||
|
|
“Congress already wrote a perfectly good law. I would follow it,” the recently confirmed Gorsuch <a href="https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/16pdf/16-399_5436.pdf">lectured the seven justices in the majority</a>.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="mQbts9">
|
|||
|
|
Meanwhile, Gorsuch’s ponderous writing style (“Chesterton reminds us not to clear away a fence just because we cannot see its point…”) spawned a Twitter hashtag, <a href="https://www.washingtonian.com/2018/03/21/law-twitter-is-having-a-fun-time-mocking-neil-gorsuchs-writing-
|
|||
|
|
style/">#GorsuchStyle</a>, where lawyers took turns mocking the new justice’s purple prose. “Since his elevation to the Supreme Court,” Slate’s Mark Joseph Stern wrote in a <a href="https://slate.com/news-and-politics/2018/01/neil-gorsuch-
|
|||
|
|
is-a-terrible-writer.html">2018 column</a>, “Gorsuch’s prose has curdled into a glop of cutesy idioms, pointless metaphors, and garbled diction that’s exhausting to read and impossible to take seriously.”
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="vDczPh">
|
|||
|
|
Two things happened since Gorsuch’s early mishaps, however. One is that his writing got better. Stern conceded a few months after his column that “<a href="https://twitter.com/mjs_DC/status/990954943145304069">the justice’s writing has markedly improved</a>.”
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="d6GofK">
|
|||
|
|
The other is that Gorsuch appears to have assembled a majority within the Court for one of the most consequential changes to American law in recent memory.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<figure class="e-image">
|
|||
|
|
<img alt=" " src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/9iTanz2EKFJRwp55u0ngKD7cDcg=/800x0/filters:no_upscale()/cdn.vox-
|
|||
|
|
cdn.com/uploads/chorus_asset/file/22890296/GettyImages_656474406_copy.jpg"/> <cite>Justin Sullivan/Getty Images</cite>
|
|||
|
|
<figcaption>
|
|||
|
|
When Gorsuch has the chance to write a majority opinion, he typically shoots for the moon. This alone could enable him to fundamentally reshape American law.
|
|||
|
|
</figcaption>
|
|||
|
|
</figure>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="HT77Na">
|
|||
|
|
One of Gorsuch’s major projects since becoming a judge is diminishing the power of federal agencies to regulate private businesses and individuals. Congress frequently <a href="https://www.vox.com/22276279/supreme-court-war-joe-biden-
|
|||
|
|
agency-regulation-administrative-neil-gorsuch-epa-nondelegation">delegates power to these agencies</a> in order to implement policies that are too complex for the legislature to implement on its own. The Clean Air Act, for example, requires certain power plants to use the “best system of emission reduction” that is cost-effective but charges the Environmental Protection Agency with determining what the “best system” is at any given moment as emission-reduction technology improves.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="NbP4X9">
|
|||
|
|
For many years, the Court warned judges to be very careful about second-guessing how federal agencies exercise this regulatory power, in part because agencies tend to have specialized policy expertise that judges lack but also because agencies like the EPA have more democratic legitimacy than the judiciary. Although “agencies are not directly accountable to the people,” the Court explained in <a href="https://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=14437597860792759765&hl=en&as_sdt=6&as_vis=1&oi=scholarr"><em>Chevron v. Natural Resources Defense Council</em></a><em> </em>(1984), the president who appoints agency heads is accountable through elections. Thus, it is “entirely appropriate for this political branch of the Government to make such policy choices.”
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="WPKcHA">
|
|||
|
|
Gorsuch, however, approaches federal agencies with the same hostility as he shows<strong> </strong>toward democracy — and the same unmitigated confidence in an increasingly right-wing judiciary. For him, the mere fact that agency officials are responsive to electoral politics <a href="https://www.vox.com/22662906/supreme-
|
|||
|
|
court-conservatives-abortion-constitution-roe-wade">makes them suspect</a>. In a <a href="https://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=11495806271514705762&hl=en&as_sdt=6&as_vis=1&oi=scholarr">2016 opinion</a>, urging the Supreme Court to overrule <em>Chevron</em>, then-Judge Gorsuch held up judges as paragons — “independent decisionmaker[s]” whose job is to “declare the law’s meaning as fairly as possible.” Meanwhile, officials who are accountable to an elected president are “politicized” and eager “to pursue whatever policy whim may rule the day.”
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="9eFrvq">
|
|||
|
|
Gorsuch appears poised to win this fight, and then some. In his dissenting opinion in <a href="https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/18pdf/17-6086_2b8e.pdf"><em>Gundy v. United States</em></a> (2019), he effectively tried to give the judiciary a veto power over any agency regulation that its members do not like. While his opinion in <em>Gundy</em> was a dissent, he’s since <a href="https://www.vox.com/2019/11/26/20981758/brett-kavanaughs-
|
|||
|
|
terrify-democrats-supreme-court-gundy-paul">convinced a majority of his colleagues to see this issue his way</a>.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="ePhud1">
|
|||
|
|
Which leads to the quality that may well determine his legacy: Gorsuch has shown<strong> </strong>a genuine talent for building a coherent doctrinal framework around the Court’s most results-driven decisions.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="ZexeDn">
|
|||
|
|
Gorsuch’s retconning of Justice Alito’s majority opinion in <a href="https://www.supremecourt.gov/opinions/14pdf/14-7955_aplc.pdf"><em>Glossip v. Gross</em></a> (2015) is a good example. <em>Glossip</em> arose after many drug manufacturers stopped selling reliable sedatives to states that wished to use them in executions. Without access to these drugs, some states turned to <a href="https://www.vox.com/2019/10/16/20914289/constitution-cruel-unusual-punishment-grave-danger-lee-boyd-
|
|||
|
|
malvo">painkillers of dubious reliability</a>. In <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2020/02/13/us/oklahoma-
|
|||
|
|
executions.html">at least some cases</a>, these unreliable painkillers caused death row inmates to effectively be tortured to death.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="vFUsIb">
|
|||
|
|
And yet, Justice Alito wrote a majority opinion suggesting that enforcing the death penalty is a value of such superlative importance that states must be free to execute people even if they are tortured. “Because it is settled that capital punishment is constitutional,” Alito wrote, “it necessarily follows that there must be a constitutional means of carrying it out.”
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="uL5plO">
|
|||
|
|
Alito essentially reached the result he wanted by assuming his own conclusion.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="ia50GE">
|
|||
|
|
Enter Gorsuch. A few years after <em>Glossip</em>, in <a href="https://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=14684708398609285165&hl=en&as_sdt=6&as_vis=1&oi=scholarr"><em>Bucklew v. Precythe</em></a> (2019), Gorsuch wrote the majority opinion in a very similar case brought by an inmate who did not want to die in agony. Yet while Alito built his entire <em>Glossip</em> opinion around a logical fallacy, Gorsuch’s <em>Bucklew</em> opinion was much more ambitious.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="FxREIn">
|
|||
|
|
For many decades, Supreme Court decisions interpreting the Eighth Amendment’s safeguard against “<a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/constitution/eighth_amendment">cruel and unusual punishments</a>” followed a framework announced by Chief Justice Earl Warren in a 1958 opinion: “The Amendment must draw its meaning from the <a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/356/86">evolving standards of decency</a> that mark the progress of a maturing society.”
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="7oqWiD">
|
|||
|
|
But in <em>Bucklew</em>, Gorsuch ignored this framework altogether, instead suggesting that the scope of the Eighth Amendment was determined over two centuries ago and it may never change. “Death was ‘the standard penalty for all serious crimes’ at the time of the founding,” Gorsuch wrote. “Nor did the later addition of the Eighth Amendment outlaw the practice. On the contrary — the Fifth Amendment, added to the Constitution at the same time as the Eighth, expressly contemplates that a defendant may be tried for a ‘capital’ crime and ‘deprived of life’ as a penalty, so long as proper procedures are followed.”
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="Fp38Y3">
|
|||
|
|
With this brazen ruling, Gorsuch produced a majority opinion that is likely to have far more impact than Alito’s decision in <em>Glossip</em>. While <em>Glossip</em> preserved the ability of states to execute people, even if they must inflict severe pain in order to do so, <em>Bucklew </em>did all of that <em>and </em>it announced a revolutionary new framework that could upend more than 60 years of Eighth Amendment jurisprudence.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="h7HMKJ">
|
|||
|
|
When Gorsuch has the chance to write a majority opinion, in other words, he typically shoots for the moon. His jurisprudence shows utter disregard for the norms of an<strong> </strong>institution he now belongs to and to the work of generations to come up with a system of law that can manage a pluralistic society. It’s a revolutionary project, breathtaking in its audacity and nihilistic at its core.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<ul>
|
|||
|
|
<li><strong>The state of infrastructure talks in Congress, explained</strong> -
|
|||
|
|
<figure>
|
|||
|
|
<img alt="President Biden Meets With House Democrats To Break A Stalemate On His Infrastructure Deal" src="https://cdn.vox-cdn.com/thumbor/U5jrGOIHwXd7lNeEIdB2IRQfXnE=/0x0:3404x2553/1310x983/cdn.vox-
|
|||
|
|
cdn.com/uploads/chorus_image/image/69939832/1344320299.0.jpg"/>
|
|||
|
|
<figcaption>
|
|||
|
|
President Joe Biden walks with Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi (D-CA), as he arrives to meet with House Democrats at the US Capitol on October 1, 2021 in Washington, DC. | Kevin Dietsch/Getty Images
|
|||
|
|
</figcaption>
|
|||
|
|
</figure>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
|
|||
|
|
Democrats dealt with the infighting. Now, they actually have to negotiate.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="cNgjOO">
|
|||
|
|
After weeks of talking past each other, Democrats are finally negotiating in earnest on their budget reconciliation bill, the centerpiece of President Joe Biden’s economic agenda.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="qQtajZ">
|
|||
|
|
The discussions come after weeks of infighting between moderates and progressives, who’ve disagreed on the path forward. Moderates have pushed for a standalone vote on the bipartisan infrastructure plan, which they support, while progressives want concrete commitments from the moderates on a reconciliation bill, too. By tying the two bills together, progressives hope to guarantee that moderates won’t simply abandon the budget measure once their priorities pass.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="5AVxs4">
|
|||
|
|
At stake is a massive social spending bill that includes dramatic expansions to Medicare, funding for free community college and universal child care, and huge investments in clean energy.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="xopxiB">
|
|||
|
|
Progressives on Thursday made it clear they wouldn’t be backing down, putting pressure on moderate Democrats to provide a concrete sense of where they stand on the reconciliation bill’s expansive social spending measures.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="ehH1cI">
|
|||
|
|
Now, with neither side giving in, lawmakers in both camps need to figure out what concessions they can tolerate.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="SMdfb8">
|
|||
|
|
Moderate Sens. Joe Manchin (D-WV) and Kyrsten Sinema (D-AZ) have said a lot about what they won’t support, arguing they can’t get on board with a bill that spends $3.5 trillion over 10 years, a top-line figure agreed on by Democratic senators on the budget committee and the White House <a href="https://www.reuters.com/world/us/us-senate-democrats-rush-outline-massive-infrastructure-bill-2021-07-13/">earlier this year</a>. Because no Republicans support the bill, all 50 Democratic senators will need to vote for it, so Manchin and Sinema have outsize sway in determining what the package will include.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="6xzT25">
|
|||
|
|
Neither has offered much in the way of specifics yet. Manchin has said he’d be open to a $1.5 trillion measure, with few other details, while Sinema hasn’t publicly said where she stands. Pelosi has pushed both senators to <a href="https://www.politico.com/amp/news/2021/09/30/pelosi-push-infrastructure-vote-514805">accept a $2.1 trillion figure</a> while progressives would like to stick as close to the original $3.5 trillion proposal as possible.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="sywcY5">
|
|||
|
|
Given the ongoing negotiations, it’s unclear what the reconciliation bill will include, what its total spending will be, or how long it will take for a deal to come together. That talks are happening at all, though, marks some kind of progress.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="cAbpyB">
|
|||
|
|
“We have been waiting for an offer to counter the $3.5 trillion that is on the table, and we understand that we’re going to have to get everybody on board in order to be able to close this deal,” Congressional Progressive Caucus chair Pramila Jayapal told reporters on Friday. “Until we get that, we don’t have anything to say about numbers.”
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<h3 id="o3HujX">
|
|||
|
|
What Manchin, Sinema, and progressives want
|
|||
|
|
</h3>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="DmB70J">
|
|||
|
|
As negotiations continue, White House aides, congressional lawmakers, and President Biden are working to figure out what Manchin and Sinema will accept.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="k81BWa">
|
|||
|
|
Manchin offered a few red lines <a href="https://static.politico.com/1e/ef/159cabd547868585f9b1a8f06388/july-28-2021.pdf">in a memo</a> he presented to Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer in July, in which he said he wanted a budget bill no higher than $1.5 trillion along with a list of other demands:
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<ul>
|
|||
|
|
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="tNPVik">
|
|||
|
|
Means-testing new social spending, an approach that would limit access based on income to new programs like paid leave and child care. He offered no details on what the cutoffs would be, but broadly emphasized that he’d like more targeting on these efforts.
|
|||
|
|
</li>
|
|||
|
|
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="PA6KOn">
|
|||
|
|
A guarantee that the Energy and Natural Resources Committee, which he chairs, would oversee the implementation of a clean energy standard.
|
|||
|
|
</li>
|
|||
|
|
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="oy3svl">
|
|||
|
|
Keeping corporate tax rates at 25 percent or below and the capital gains tax rate at 28 percent or below, both thresholds lower than the 28 percent corporate tax rate and 39.6 percent capital gains tax rate that Biden proposed, though they’re more in line with House proposals.
|
|||
|
|
</li>
|
|||
|
|
</ul>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="nLuBOE">
|
|||
|
|
Sinema, meanwhile, has said she can’t sign on to spending $3.5 trillion but hasn’t publicly offered a number of her own. In a <a href="https://twitter.com/SenatorSinema/status/1443630876362002432/photo/1">statement</a> released on Thursday afternoon, she noted that she’s outlined her position to the White House but won’t be sharing it more broadly. <a href="https://www.axios.com/kyrsten-sinema-biden-budget-bill-32692586-cd10-4ea4-9cac-c41c2a29d33d.html">As Axios reported on Friday,</a> she’s signaled where she stands on some areas: Like Manchin, she appears to support lower tax rates compared to Biden, favoring a 24 percent corporate tax rate and a capital gains rate in the mid-20s.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="NoZ8YF">
|
|||
|
|
Progressives, on the other hand, have stood by a bill totaling $3.5 trillion and outlined five key priorities they want the bill to include: lowering prescription drug prices; investments in affordable housing; investments in climate jobs; funding for child care subsidies and paid leave; and a pathway to citizenship for immigrants, including DACA recipients.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<h3 id="u1SSgV">
|
|||
|
|
What a compromise might look like
|
|||
|
|
</h3>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="eO8oSE">
|
|||
|
|
Pelosi, who’s been involved in the latest discussions with both senators, has sought to push the total amount of spending in the bill to $2.1 trillion, <a href="https://www.politico.com/amp/news/2021/09/30/pelosi-push-infrastructure-
|
|||
|
|
vote-514805">according to Politico</a>.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="0nsnn6">
|
|||
|
|
Additionally, Pelosi has asked for detailed agreements on paid family leave and child care, climate change, and health care in any reconciliation framework, the publication reported. It’s an indication that these areas are priorities for the speaker, and ones less likely to be cut as Democrats weigh what to keep and what to pare back.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="ElkXkE">
|
|||
|
|
What actual cuts could look like is still uncertain, though <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2021/09/24/us/politics/democrats-social-welfare-climate-change-
|
|||
|
|
bill.html">the New York Times</a> examined a couple different scenarios:
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="9GPQZQ">
|
|||
|
|
As the Times reported, Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) had already limited the duration of certain programs to reduce the bill’s costs. Democrats could try to do that again, for instance by expanding the child tax credit only through 2024 instead of 2025. Other programs like the expansion of Medicare coverage for vision, hearing, and dental care could be implemented more slowly to spread out the cost as well. (This bill’s spending is already spread out across 10 years, in part, to reduce the annual price tag.)
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="ENoHu9">
|
|||
|
|
Certain programs like free community college could be stripped out altogether as well, <a href="https://markets.businessinsider.com/news/stocks/education-secretary-miguel-cardona-free-community-college-biden-
|
|||
|
|
agenda-democrats-2021-10">a scenario Education Secretary Miguel Cardona</a> has said he feared would take place if Democrats had to roll back their spending.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="HFlJVf">
|
|||
|
|
Some moderates have argued that progressives should accept the $1.5 trillion number given that spending such a sum on social programs would have been unimaginable a decade ago and would still represent a significant expansion of the safety net. In 2009, President Barack Obama secured $840 billion for the Recovery Act, and in 2010 estimates put the cost of the Affordable Care Act at $940 billion. Earlier this year, Congress approved the $1.9 trillion American Rescue Plan as well.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="LJmeXu">
|
|||
|
|
Progressives, meanwhile, say that Democrats have a rare opportunity to capitalize on their trifecta in Congress and the White House and that they need to deliver benefits in order to win in the midterms. They note, too, that $3.5 trillion over 10 years amounts to $350 billion a year, a figure that’s roughly half of what the US spends annually on its defense budget, and that they have already come down from a proposed $6 trillion spending package.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="M6hCdh">
|
|||
|
|
Many lawmakers, including members of the Senate, have also already bristled at the $1.5 trillion figure that Manchin put forth, an indication that any deal with that figure will face significant pushback. “I could see myself coming below $3.5 trillion but we shall see how far $1.5 trillion goes,” <a href="https://www.politico.com/news/2021/09/30/democrats-grit-teeth-
|
|||
|
|
manchin-demands-514836">Sen. Mazie Hirono (D-HI) told Politico.</a> “He’s confirmed that’s as far as he’ll go, which is pretty sad if you ask me.”
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="d04F28">
|
|||
|
|
But since the different groups of Democrats have genuine incentives to work things out — including looming midterms and the fact both pieces of legislation are central to the White House’s agenda — political experts think an agreement is more likely than a complete implosion of the process.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="zEzIxs">
|
|||
|
|
“It’s very much in the interest of all members of the Democratic Party to pass both bills,” said Laura Blessing, a senior fellow at Georgetown’s Government Affairs Institute.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="AdnKpE">
|
|||
|
|
Exactly what that agreement will look like, though, is still very much up in the air. And working out the actual policy details could take weeks or more. Any consensus on a framework would be significant, however, even if it means there’s still quite a long way to go.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="UHIjGs">
|
|||
|
|
“It doesn’t matter if it’s in six minutes, six days, or six weeks. We’re gonna get it done,” Biden said after a meeting with lawmakers on Friday.
|
|||
|
|
</p></li>
|
|||
|
|
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Why Merck’s Covid-19 pill molnupiravir could be so important</strong> -
|
|||
|
|
<figure>
|
|||
|
|
<img alt="" src="https://cdn.vox-
|
|||
|
|
cdn.com/thumbor/5S5MUYTnIDFFQBm3fy5sYB7T3Yk=/180x0:2847x2000/1310x983/cdn.vox-
|
|||
|
|
cdn.com/uploads/chorus_image/image/69938985/AP21274373443876_copy.0.jpg"/>
|
|||
|
|
<figcaption>
|
|||
|
|
Merck is reporting that Molnupiravir, a new Covid-19 drug, reduces the risk of hospitalization and death. | Mel Evans/AP
|
|||
|
|
</figcaption></figure></li>
|
|||
|
|
</ul>
|
|||
|
|
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
|
|||
|
|
The pharma giant says its new antiviral drug cut hospitalizations in half for at-risk Covid-19 patients.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="DGN8wS">
|
|||
|
|
The pharmaceutical giant Merck on Friday reported good news for people sick with Covid-19: Its <a href="https://www.merck.com/news/merck-and-ridgebacks-investigational-oral-antiviral-molnupiravir-reduced-the-
|
|||
|
|
risk-of-hospitalization-or-death-by-approximately-50-percent-compared-to-placebo-for-patients-with-mild-or-
|
|||
|
|
moderat/">antiviral drug molnupiravir</a> reduced the risk of hospitalization and death in at-risk patients by 50 percent, according to the company’s interim analysis.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="hACqqh">
|
|||
|
|
A new and effective Covid-19 treatment — if approved by health regulators — could be a versatile tool for doctors to treat Covid-19 patients and could ultimately save lives. While there are a <a href="https://www.vox.com/22219434/covid-19-drugs-treatment-monoclonal-antibodies-
|
|||
|
|
plasma-antiviral-regeneron-remdesivir">number of treatments for Covid-19</a> on the market, many of them are expensive, difficult to administer, not widely available, or only marginally effective. Meanwhile, treatments that have little evidence behind them, like the antiparasitic drug <a href="https://www.vox.com/coronavirus-
|
|||
|
|
covid19/22686147/covid-19-vaccine-betadine-hydroxychloroquine-ivermectin-trump-conspiracy">ivermectin</a> and the anti- malaria drug hydroxychloroquine, have gained traction <a href="https://www.vox.com/coronavirus-
|
|||
|
|
covid19/22686147/covid-19-vaccine-betadine-hydroxychloroquine-ivermectin-trump-conspiracy">in some circles</a>.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="OABsc4">
|
|||
|
|
Molnupiravir, originally developed to treat influenza, could solve many of these challenges. It’s administered as a twice-a-day pill for five days, compared to other Covid-19 treatments that require expensive intravenous transfusions, such as monoclonal antibodies and convalescent plasma. The antiviral drug <a href="https://www.vox.com/21530401/remdesivir-approved-by-fda-covid-19-fda-gilead-veklury">remdesivir</a>, currently the only drug with full Food and Drug Administration approval to treat Covid-19, also has to be delivered into the bloodstream.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="JSamXo">
|
|||
|
|
A drug like molnupiravir (the name is a reference to <a href="https://www.science.org/content/blog-post/molnupiravir-thor-s-hammer-delivers">Thor’s hammer</a>, Mjölnir) could also help compensate for persistent gaps in Covid-19 vaccination coverage, both in the United States and abroad.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="5roPr0">
|
|||
|
|
However, the results were announced in a company press release, which carries less scientific weight than a peer-reviewed paper or even a pre-print article that lays out the data for outside scientists to examine. Merck’s findings did come from a randomized phase 3 clinical trial of 775 adult Covid-19 patients. The participants had mild to moderate disease and were deemed to be at-risk but not hospitalized when the trial began in early August.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="ViNjQw">
|
|||
|
|
By day 29 of the trial, 7.3 percent of patients who received molnupiravir had died or were hospitalized, compared to 14.1 percent of patients who were in the placebo group (meaning they did not receive the drug). Merck says molnupiravir was also effective against coronavirus variants, including gamma, <a href="https://www.vox.com/22547537/delta-coronavirus-variant-covid-19-vaccines-masks-lockdown">delta</a>, and mu. The trial was halted, with the approval of regulators, once these results showed the drug’s effectiveness.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<div id="S4kyta">
|
|||
|
|
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet">
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" dir="ltr" lang="en">
|
|||
|
|
A group of independent experts saw the data and said “we’ve seen enough”<br/><br/>And stopped the trial because the drug was clearly working<br/><br/>That’s important verification<br/><br/>It also makes me far more optimistic about other similar therapies being studies for COVID will pan out<br/><br/>3/4
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
— Ashish K. Jha, MD, MPH (<span class="citation" data-cites="ashishkjha">@ashishkjha</span>) <a href="https://twitter.com/ashishkjha/status/1443949822206103558?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 1, 2021</a>
|
|||
|
|
</blockquote>
|
|||
|
|
</div>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="kIAwHy">
|
|||
|
|
“With these compelling results, we are optimistic that molnupiravir can become an important medicine as part of the global effort to fight the pandemic and will add to Merck’s unique legacy of bringing forward breakthroughs in infectious diseases when they are needed most,” said Robert Davis, Merck’s CEO and president, in a statement.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="Gvxaey">
|
|||
|
|
Merck and its collaborator Ridgeback Biotherapeutics said they will apply for an emergency use authorization for this drug from the US Food and Drug Administration, which would allow doctors to begin prescribing it for patients. The federal government is already planning for its potential approval: It has committed to buying <a href="https://www.merck.com/news/merck-announces-supply-agreement-with-u-s-government-for-molnupiravir-an-
|
|||
|
|
investigational-oral-antiviral-candidate-for-treatment-of-mild-to-moderate-covid-19/">1.7 million courses of molnupiravir treatments</a> for $1.2 billion (about $700 per course), and production of the drug has already begun. Ridgeback Biotherapeutics and Merck expect to make 10 million courses of the drug by the end of the year.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="iwQlJh">
|
|||
|
|
But it will still be weeks or months before most people will have access to the little brown pill. And even when it is available, there may still be holdouts resistant to getting treated for the disease.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<h3 id="HIrK6Z">
|
|||
|
|
How Merck’s new antiviral drug molnupiravir works
|
|||
|
|
</h3>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="hERrJI">
|
|||
|
|
Viruses are tricky beasts to corner. They are passive parasites and can’t reproduce without hijacking the machinery of a host cell. That makes it really difficult to come up with a drug that can interfere with a virus’s life cycle without also causing collateral damage to healthy human cells. And because viruses mutate so quickly, an effective treatment can become less so over time.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="RTPT3Q">
|
|||
|
|
Compare that to bacteria, which contain all the biological hardware they need to make copies of themselves. Their machinery is different enough from human cells that the class of drugs known as antibiotics can kill off many bacteria with minimal damage to humans.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="vI68K3">
|
|||
|
|
Molnupiravir works a lot like the antiviral drug remdesivir (-vir is a suffix commonly used for antiviral drugs). The SARS-CoV-2 virus, which causes Covid-19, makes copies of itself by encoding instructions on RNA, which is made up of “base” molecules identified by the letters A, C, U, and G. While remdesivir imitates A (adenosine), molnupiravir can mimic U (uracil) or C (cytosine).
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="JHCpRD">
|
|||
|
|
When the virus incorporates remdesivir into its RNA, the drug causes its reproductive cycle to stall. Molnupiravir works a little differently, causing genetic <a href="https://www.nature.com/articles/s41594-021-00651-0">mutations that hamper the virus</a>.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="o3umgG">
|
|||
|
|
Crucially, these drugs can fool the virus, but they don’t fool human cells, so they have a targeted effect and for the most part leave the human cells alone.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="RFSIy7">
|
|||
|
|
Merck didn’t note any specific side effects from molnupiravir in its press release and said the rate of complications was similar between the placebo group and the treatment group in the clinical trial. Unspecified side effects occurred in 35 percent of molnupiravir recipients but occurred in 40 percent of the placebo group.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="3oXp7E">
|
|||
|
|
Molnupiravir faced a bit of controversy in earlier stages of development. Some researchers previously raised concerns that molnupiravir’s mechanism could lead to some <a href="https://www.clinicaltrialsarena.com/comment/ridgeback-mercks-molnupiravir-for-covid-19-has-moa-
|
|||
|
|
administration-advantages-but-phase-iia-faces-execution-obstacles-may-have-value-gaps/">unanticipated problems</a>. Rick Bright, the former head of the Biomedical Advanced Research and Development Authority, alleged in a <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/2020/06/11/coronavirus-drug-ridgeback-biotherapeutics/">whistleblower complaint</a> last year that his agency was <a href="https://cen.acs.org/pharmaceuticals/drug-development/emerging-
|
|||
|
|
antiviral-takes-aim-COVID-19/98/web/2020/05">pressured into funding</a> the manufacture of the drug (then known as <a href="https://clinicaltrials.gov/ct2/show/NCT04405739">EIDD-2801</a>) before they received adequate safety data. The FDA tends to pay close attention to safety concerns as it evaluates drugs for emergency use.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<div id="kOHwHH">
|
|||
|
|
<blockquote class="twitter-tweet">
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" dir="ltr" lang="en">
|
|||
|
|
3/5 one concern that it introduces virus mutations or potential mutagenic probably means it won’t be recommended in pregnancy. I seem to remember my good colleague <a href="https://twitter.com/RickABright?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw"><span class="citation" data-cites="RickABright">@RickABright</span></a> had a concern about this drug when he was at BARDA so maybe he can comment. Also important to remember
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
— Prof Peter Hotez MD PhD (<span class="citation" data-cites="PeterHotez">@PeterHotez</span>) <a href="https://twitter.com/PeterHotez/status/1443898540573536263?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw">October 1, 2021</a>
|
|||
|
|
</blockquote>
|
|||
|
|
</div>
|
|||
|
|
<h3 id="gnfzah">
|
|||
|
|
Molnupiravir fills in a crucial gap in the response to Covid-19
|
|||
|
|
</h3>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="PcGGbW">
|
|||
|
|
While the US has multiple highly effective vaccines that help our immune systems fight Covid-19, the vaccination rate has slowed and many holdouts remain. At the same time, many other countries still don’t have access to enough vaccines. The unvaccinated continue to make up the majority of hospitalizations and deaths, with fatalities currently around 2,000 per day in the US alone.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="hJ7zTF">
|
|||
|
|
Treatments for Covid-19, therefore, remain a vital component of the response to the pandemic. But developing new drugs to treat an illness is expensive and time-consuming, which is why researchers have been eager to find off-the-shelf therapies that have already been deemed safe to use against other ailments. Some have proven fruitful, like the corticosteroid <a href="https://www.vox.com/21292752/coronavirus-steroids-dexamethasone-
|
|||
|
|
covid-19-drug-treatment">dexamethasone</a>. Scientists have also seen promise in the antidepressant drug <a href="https://www.vox.com/future-perfect/22619137/fluvoxamine-covid-ivermectin-together-study-mcmaster">fluvoxamine</a> as a therapy.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="euB9kx">
|
|||
|
|
New drugs like molnupiravir require more testing and review, but they offer the possibility of a stronger, more targeted approach. A drug like molnupiravir could be especially useful because it is administered in the early stages of the disease. Since it’s just a pill, it may spare the patient a trip to a clinic for a transfusion for treatments like monoclonal antibodies. That reduces the chances of an infected patient transmitting the virus to medical staff, and it averts potential complications associated with transfusions.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="Kzolyy">
|
|||
|
|
And while $700 for a course of molnupiravir isn’t exactly cheap, a transfusion alone can cost $1,000, and that’s on top of the cost of the drugs delivered intravenously. A course of monoclonal antibodies can cost <a href="https://www.wsj.com/articles/florida-texas-turn-to-antibody-treatments-as-covid-19-surges-11629284400">$2,100</a>, while remdesivir can cost <a href="https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2020/6/29/21307528/voxcare-remdesivir-price-
|
|||
|
|
coronavirus">$3,100</a>.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="UycER9">
|
|||
|
|
Pills are also much easier to store and transport than transfused drugs, so they can reach more remote areas with fewer resources.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="4wnkBS">
|
|||
|
|
That’s why some of the biggest effects of molnupiravir could occur in other countries, particularly in places where Covid-19 vaccines have yet to gain much of a foothold. Merck said it is setting up tiered pricing for molnupiravir, meaning that it could cost less in other countries, and is licensing its production to <a href="https://www.merck.com/news/amid-humanitarian-crisis-in-india-
|
|||
|
|
merck-announces-voluntary-licensing-agreements-with-five-indian-generics-manufacturers-to-accelerate-and-expand-global-
|
|||
|
|
access-to-molnupiravir-an-investigational-ora/">five generic drug manufacturers in India</a> to build up its supplies.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="ZleX3I">
|
|||
|
|
Treatments help people get better — but it’s important to remember that vaccination remains the single most effective tactic for controlling the pandemic. Vaccination can prevent sickness in the first place, and even the most expensive vaccines are dirt cheap compared to most therapies for the disease. The initial two doses of the Pfizer/BioNTech vaccine and the Moderna vaccine <a href="https://www.ft.com/content/d415a01e-d065-44a9-bad4-f9235aa04c1a">cost about $50</a>.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom" id="ILWZx9">
|
|||
|
|
Other measures beyond drugs remain critical too. Wearing masks, social distancing, and testing for Covid-19 are still effective, and the arrival of an effective drug won’t be a reason to let our guard down. The existing pillars of pandemic response will remain crucial to keeping this deadly disease in check.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-the-hindu-sports">From The Hindu: Sports</h1>
|
|||
|
|
<ul>
|
|||
|
|
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Indian Premier League 2021 | Avesh, Axar shine as Delhi Capitals restrict Mumbai Indians</strong> - Both Delhi Capitals and Mumbai Indians made one change to their playing XI.</p></li>
|
|||
|
|
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Indian Premier League 2021 | Hyderabad aims to dent Kolkata’s play-off prospects</strong> - SRH are languishing at the bottom, while KKR still have hopes of qualifying for the knockout stage</p></li>
|
|||
|
|
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>‘FIFA 22’ game review: Next-gen goals, almost</strong> - Despite being a small incremental step for the yearly football gaming series, FIFA 22 offers a giant leap in next generation sports games, but with a few annoyances that EA should have anticipated</p></li>
|
|||
|
|
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>I need some wins to regain my confidence: Praneeth</strong> - Praneeth had clocked a lot of hours to prepare for the Olympics, but his campaign didn’t go according to plan as he failed to win a single group match in Tokyo</p></li>
|
|||
|
|
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Aus W vs Ind W pink ball Test | Australia 143/4 at close on Day 3, trail India by 234 runs</strong> - India declared their first innings at 377 for eight.</p></li>
|
|||
|
|
</ul>
|
|||
|
|
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-the-hindu-national-news">From The Hindu: National News</h1>
|
|||
|
|
<ul>
|
|||
|
|
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Village secretariats are examples of Gandhi’s Gram Swaraj: Collector</strong> - ‘Youngsters should study his biography to know about his role in the freedom struggle’</p></li>
|
|||
|
|
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Switch over to producing green fuel ethanol, Gadkari tells farmers</strong> - Union Minister expresses concern over sugar surplus and possible detrimental effects it could have on rural economy</p></li>
|
|||
|
|
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Bishop breaks silence, attacks pseudo secularists</strong> - The Bishop sought to raise the pitch against pseudo secularism, which he said, ``will destroy the country".</p></li>
|
|||
|
|
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Congress government in Rajasthan will complete five-year tenure: CM Gehlot</strong> - Mr. Gehlot said that according to feedback from people, there is no anti-incumbency factor against his government</p></li>
|
|||
|
|
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Charanjit Singh Channi going all out to establish “common man CM” leadership image</strong> - He is visiting downtrodden sections across the State and making pro-poor announcements</p></li>
|
|||
|
|
</ul>
|
|||
|
|
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-bbc-europe">From BBC: Europe</h1>
|
|||
|
|
<ul>
|
|||
|
|
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Paris attacks: Haunting survivors’ memories shake terror trial</strong> - The harrowing, personal stories of people caught up in the 2015 attacks take centre stage in Paris.</p></li>
|
|||
|
|
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Kilogram of nails, screws and knives removed from man’s stomach</strong> - The man had begun swallowing metal objects after quitting alcohol, doctors in Lithuania said.</p></li>
|
|||
|
|
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Mikheil Saakashvili: Georgian ex-president arrested returning from exile</strong> - Officials arrest Mikheil Saakashvili after he returned to Georgia from exile ahead of elections.</p></li>
|
|||
|
|
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Belarus mass arrests as Lukashenko cracks down after shooting</strong> - Eighty-seven people are detained days after a shoot-out in which two people are killed.</p></li>
|
|||
|
|
<li data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Lavish Russian wedding for Tsar’s descendant</strong> - Grand Duke George Mikhailovich Romanov and his Italian fiancé tie the knot in St Petersburg.</p></li>
|
|||
|
|
</ul>
|
|||
|
|
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-ars-technica">From Ars Technica</h1>
|
|||
|
|
<ul>
|
|||
|
|
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>This software aims to make your flight smoother—and help the planet</strong> - Airplanes taxiing isn’t just annoying—it’s a big source of emissions. - <a href="https://arstechnica.com/?p=1800121">link</a></p></li>
|
|||
|
|
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Hundreds of scam apps hit over 10 million Android devices</strong> - GriftHorse campaign used clever techniques to avoid detection in Google Play. - <a href="https://arstechnica.com/?p=1800102">link</a></p></li>
|
|||
|
|
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>Venom 2 film review: Let there be (mostly) boredom</strong> - Hardy pulls double duty as the film’s two best parts. Sadly, nothing else keeps up. - <a href="https://arstechnica.com/?p=1800147">link</a></p></li>
|
|||
|
|
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>COVID-19 vaccines will be added to immunization list required for CA students</strong> - The rule will come into effect once the vaccine is FDA-approved for each age group. - <a href="https://arstechnica.com/?p=1800178">link</a></p></li>
|
|||
|
|
<li><p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"><strong>X-rays reveal censored portions of Marie Antoinette’s letters to Swedish count</strong> - French Queen had secret correspondence with her rumored lover, Hans Axel von Fersen - <a href="https://arstechnica.com/?p=1799832">link</a></p></li>
|
|||
|
|
</ul>
|
|||
|
|
<h1 data-aos="fade-right" id="from-jokes-subreddit">From Jokes Subreddit</h1>
|
|||
|
|
<ul>
|
|||
|
|
<li><strong>Three conspiracy theorists walk into a bar</strong> - <!-- SC_OFF -->
|
|||
|
|
<div class="md">
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
|
|||
|
|
You can’t tell me that’s just a coincidence
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
</div>
|
|||
|
|
<!-- SC_ON -->
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"> submitted by <a href="https://www.reddit.com/user/sardonicsalamander"> /u/sardonicsalamander </a> <br/> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/pzlumr/three_conspiracy_theorists_walk_into_a_bar/">[link]</a></span> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/pzlumr/three_conspiracy_theorists_walk_into_a_bar/">[comments]</a></span></p></li>
|
|||
|
|
<li><strong>A woman loves bees.</strong> - <!-- SC_OFF -->
|
|||
|
|
<div class="md">
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
|
|||
|
|
So she goes to a tattoo shop and asks for a bee on each butt cheek. When she gets home she bends over and says look! Her husband says great but who the fuck is Bob?
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
</div>
|
|||
|
|
<!-- SC_ON -->
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"> submitted by <a href="https://www.reddit.com/user/HorrorANDComedy"> /u/HorrorANDComedy </a> <br/> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/pzkuz0/a_woman_loves_bees/">[link]</a></span> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/pzkuz0/a_woman_loves_bees/">[comments]</a></span></p></li>
|
|||
|
|
<li><strong>During my interview today…</strong> - <!-- SC_OFF -->
|
|||
|
|
<div class="md">
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
|
|||
|
|
I poured some water into a cup and it overflowed a little bit.
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
|
|||
|
|
“Nervous?” asked the interviewer?
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
|
|||
|
|
I simply replied “No, I just always give 110%”
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
|
|
</div>
|
|||
|
|
<!-- SC_ON -->
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"> submitted by <a href="https://www.reddit.com/user/ash_bel"> /u/ash_bel </a> <br/> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/pznihb/during_my_interview_today/">[link]</a></span> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/pznihb/during_my_interview_today/">[comments]</a></span></p></li>
|
|||
|
|
<li><strong>What do you call a prince fucking a princess ?</strong> - <!-- SC_OFF -->
|
|||
|
|
<div class="md">
|
|||
|
|
<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom">
|
|||
|
|
Princest
|
|||
|
|
</p>
|
|||
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Yeah i’ll leave
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"> submitted by <a href="https://www.reddit.com/user/Far_Tonyu"> /u/Far_Tonyu </a> <br/> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/pzrq07/what_do_you_call_a_prince_fucking_a_princess/">[link]</a></span> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/pzrq07/what_do_you_call_a_prince_fucking_a_princess/">[comments]</a></span></p></li>
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<li><strong>My wife kicked me out of the house for my bad Arnold Schwarzenegger references, but don’t worry…</strong> - <!-- SC_OFF -->
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I’ll return
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<p data-aos="fade-left" data-aos-anchor-placement="bottom-bottom"> submitted by <a href="https://www.reddit.com/user/yomommafool"> /u/yomommafool </a> <br/> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/pz4ve3/my_wife_kicked_me_out_of_the_house_for_my_bad/">[link]</a></span> <span><a href="https://www.reddit.com/r/Jokes/comments/pz4ve3/my_wife_kicked_me_out_of_the_house_for_my_bad/">[comments]</a></span></p></li>
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</ul>
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